The article provides an overview of Ukrainian and foreign sources on the non-proliferation studies and interconnected with it problems of nuclear disarmament and the use of “peaceful” atom. We give little-known facts from the history of non-proliferation, attempts to put nuclear energy under effective international control and reasons why this could not be done. The main content of the article is an analysis of the NPT, IAEA and related international regimes and organizations, successes and failures in implementing the policy of non-proliferation. It is noted, on the one hand, maintaining a fairly steady non- proliferation regime since the entry into force of the NPT in 1970 – now there are only nine states with nuclear weapons, and this number remains unchanged over the past 25 years. NPT regime is almost universal – it includes 190 States Parties and only five remain outside (India, Israel, North Korea, Pakistan and South Sudan). However, according to some forecasts, increasing threat is likelihood of becoming world “widespread nuclear proliferation” in 2030. Features of positions of the US and Russia in matters of nonproliferation policy are studied.

The article examines the process of forming Vietnam's foreign policy in the context of the historical and political processes of the country in recent history. Paying tribute to the Asian conservatism and seeing a reform of the political system as a threat to the foundations of the statehood and national unity, the Vietnam leaders has chosen its path of social modernization -a "renovation" strategy (in Vietnamese -"Đổi Mới") that has transformed the country within twenty years into another Asian tiger. The "renovation" course was to allow the policy of "open doors" in foreign economic relations. External factors for the successful development of the Vietnam's foreign policy include the ASEAN membership. Due to the many political and socio-cultural factors common to Vietnam and the ASEAN member states (Vietnam joined ASEAN in 1995) and the continued political stability of the country, Vietnam has achieved a particular favor from the investors and trading partners of this association. Considerable attention in the article has also been paid to analyzing the development of political and trade-economic relations between Vietnam and Ukraine in the context of multilateral cooperation. The establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries and signing the key bilateral agreements has been analyzed. The absence of fundamental differences on key international issues as well as the willingness to develop friendship and mutually beneficial partnership has created the favorable conditions for cooperation between Ukraine and Vietnam within the international organizations. There is much in common in our countries' positions on the proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, counterterrorism, reform of the United Nations etc. Ukraine and Vietnam have traditionally supported each other's nominations for election to the governing bodies of international organizations.

The article analyzes the processes of postwar development of Germany from the point of view of implementing measures to denazify and disqualify persons who have tarnished themselves under theHitler regime, the specifics of the formation and stages of the formation of the policy of “overcoming the past” in the national memory of postwar Germany. The author, singling out four different stagesand depths of understanding, clarifies the problems of the formation and development of this policy from posing the “problem of guilt”, the differentiation of its types with respect to the common andexcellent policies of the two German states, the role of the international political context and the reconstruction of the historical truth regarding the Third Reich and conditions for the formation ofculture of memory in modern Germany. The strengths and weaknesses of West Germany’s ambivalent policy with regard to its identity are analyzed through clear disassociation from the Nazi past and, on the other hand, the broad integration of former Nazis into new public institutions as an option to win democracy in Germany despite the post-war moods of most of its citizens. The immediate significance of the succession of generations in the political arena, the public study of the Nazi past and the establishment of a new political culture in public discourse are underlined. Its main elements were the memory and responsibility of generations for the Holocaust and the strengthening of the national identity of the Germans through “constitutional patriotism”. In the united Germany, the comprehension of the totalitarian past, which took place quite intensively and resulted not only in public discussions, but also contributed to the memorialization and commemoration of historical memory, the reparation to victims of Nazism and forced workers of the Third Reich from different countries and the restoration of justice to all those affected by the so-called policy “Arization” and measures to return property and cultural values to their heirs, is fairly effective. The policy of “overcoming the past” contributed to the achievement of a public consensus of the national memory of the modern FRG regarding the recognition of the crimes of the Nazi period and the making of lessons from the past. As in any other Western society, in Germany the attitude towards the Holocaust is the cornerstone of the memory of the Second World War and the symbol of the crimes of Nazism, as well as the central historical event of the XX century.

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