The purpose of this study is to identify the military and political specifics of the Arctic zone, which is part of the United States and Canada. The authors used such research methods as system analysis, problem analysis, logical analysis, and historical analysis. The authors draw attention to the fact that issues of strategic stability and security appeared in US developments in the 1950s and the first researcher to officially propose this concept was Robert McNamara, us Secretary of defense in 1961-1967. Despite the fact that in 1972 the first Treaty on the limitation of missile DEFENSE systems and OSV-1 was signed. the cold war during the Soviet-US rivalry made the Arctic a zone of strategic confrontation with the routes of nuclear strikes. The authors note that although the cold war ended long ago, the Arctic region has not lost its strategic importance. The authors consider the main directions of military-strategic activities of the two countries, the dynamics of development and key elements of the strategy. In conclusion, the authors conclude that the military strategy of both the United States and Canada in the Arctic does not provide for military threats and the primary risks are environmental and social. The practical and theoretical significance of the work is that the Arctic is strategically important for all countries of the Arctic zone, so the military and political strategies of these States are of considerable interest both for scientific discourse and for determining Russia's foreign and domestic policy in this region.

The purpose of the article is to identify the interests in the Arctic region of such leading countries of the Western Hemisphere as the USA and Canada. Arctic ice is actively melting. If current trends continue, the region will undergo drastic changes with far-reaching consequences. At the same time, the retreating ice is opening up the region for economic development, including through the exploitation of previously inaccessible hydrocarbons and minerals. In September 2011, both the Northern Sea Route (along the northern coast of Russia, formerly known as the Northeast Passage) and the Northwest Passage (along the northern coast of Canada and Alaska) were opened for some time, which could potentially lead to a reduction in shipping lanes in Asia. Increasing human activity in the sparsely populated and climatically difficult Arctic requires new initiatives to ensure the safety of the region's environment, its residents and guests. In this regard, the identification of the basic interests of the Canada and United States in the Arctic zone is of particular importance. The authors used such research methods as system analysis, logical and historical. Due to its geopolitical features and enormous resource potential, the Arctic region concentrates the attention of the leading powers of the modern world. The article analyzes in detail the approaches to defining the borders of the Arctic region of Canada and the United States, provides a retrospective analysis of the development of these territories. The results of the study of the actual data and the literature used showed that in modern Canada, the Arctic is considered as the center of national identity, although the interest of the authorities in this zone has been situational for quite a long time. The authors highlight the reasons why Canada seeks to expand its southern borders into subarctic latitudes. The article examines the stages of the US development of its Arctic zone and the reasons for the increased interest in it among the American authorities at the present stage. In conclusion, the authors conclude that the Arctic zone for the Arctic states of the Western hemisphere is important both in terms of resources and in terms of security. At the same time, the authors identify significant differences in the positions of the United States and Canada, in particular the inability of the two countries to agree on such key issues as the legal status of the Northwest Passage and the maritime border in the Beaufort Sea. This significantly affects not only their internal capabilities, but also their ability to exercise international leadership in the region. The practical and theoretical significance of the work lies in the fact that the Arctic is strategically important for all countries of the Arctic zone, therefore, the identification of their interests in this region is important both for scientific discourse and in the plane of practical policy.

The purpose of this work is to identify the role and significance of M.M. Speransky as the founder of a theoretically sound, holistic and systemic liberal doctrine in Russia. The article uses such methods of scientific research as the historical method, the retrospective method, and the hermeneutical method. The question of the founding fathers of Russian liberalism, which ideologically has a serious impact on all spheres of modern public life, continues to be quite controversial in the historical and political science literature. From the research position of the author of the article, it is M.M. Speransky stands at the origins of Russian liberalism. During the were identified the most important theoretical parameters of the richest philosophical, political, legal heritage of Speransky, on which were based all the ideologues of Russian liberalism, till our days: the adoption of Western political experience, a focus on the formation of civil society in Russia, the need for government guarantees the rights and freedoms of the individual, etc. these parameters are presented as individual subsections, at the end conclusions and generalizations. The article also provides information about the personality of M.M. Speransky, the most important stages of his biography and political and legal activities. According to Speransky, the effectiveness of ways, methods and forms of Russian transformations increases with the skillful borrowing of Western experience, gradual "grafting" of useful elements of the legal system and political culture of the advanced countries of Western Europe. He saw his political mission as the reorganization of Russian absolutism and potential despotism into a form of constitutional monarchy based on the separation of powers and subordination to a single ("root") law. The "root law" should provide for the interests and aspirations of all the main elements of society, and the rights and freedoms of all Russian citizens will be firmly respected. This will also ensure a response from the bottom up, an increase in social activity of the population, the development of social and individual self-activity, and the emancipation of entrepreneurial talents. M.M. Speransky justified the relationship between the development of liberal trends and the need to form a full-fledged civil society in Russia. The importance of M.M. Speransky gave social mobility for the successful development of society, defended the facilitated opportunities for intersectional movements of Russian subjects.

The purpose of this article is to analyze and prepare specific recommendations on key, but still unresolved, topical issues of arms control in Europe. The recommendations, in particular, include the further prevention of the deployment of new medium- and shorter-range missiles, non-strategic ("tactical") nuclear weapons, as well as the identification of prospects for limiting the conventional arms race and issues of means to prevent dangerous military incidents. In this regard, the article analyzes a promising set of measures for creating a mutual system of European security and resolving a number of key problems in this area through the prism of the issues of the INF Treaty, TNW and other international documents and treaties, suggests concrete steps and ways of effective implementation in this direction. The article used systematic, retrospective, comparative, hermeneutic methods of scientific research. The novelty of the approach lies in the fact that the article does this in the context of an analysis of the aggravation of the situation around Ukraine, its attempts to join NATO and Russian demands to the United States and NATO on the need for legally binding guarantees of mutual security made in November-December 2021. The six concrete steps proposed by the authors towards arms control in Europe, as well as a set of measures in the field of limitation and reduction of conventional weapons in Europe, consisting of twelve points, are also innovative. The authors focus on the need to reduce the number of non-strategic nuclear warheads and their placement, eliminate certain classes of non-strategic nuclear weapons, exchange information on the types and number of delivery systems of non-strategic nuclear warheads, formalize obligations not to dock non-strategic nuclear warheads with their delivery systems, as well as obligations not to exceed the aggregate limit on non-strategic and non-deployed strategic warheads, conduct periodic mutual on-site inspections. The authors see promising measures to create a flexible and constructive security architecture in the European region in the intensification of both diplomatic and military dialogue between Russia and NATO, in the formation of legally fixed measures to prevent the threat of mutual military clashes, in the resumption of joint work on cooperation in airspace and in marine areas, in the development of new procedures for de-escalation military incidents and conflicts. The practical and theoretical significance of the work lies in the systematic analysis of a set of important security measures on the European continent after a fundamental change in the world security system, including the termination of almost all international arms control agreements. This was especially relevant already at the beginning of 2022 in the situation of Russia conducting a special military operation on the territory of Ukraine and increasing the likelihood of a military nuclear conflict between Russia and NATO.

The purpose of this review is to analyze and identify the socio-political, scientific and methodological significance of the textbook "The Policy of Countering Extremism". This original and extremely important textbook for Russian students, under the general editorship of Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor A. P. Koshkin, was prepared by the author's team of the Department of Political Science and Sociology of the Plekhanov Russian University of Economics and published in 2021. The textbook has a clear structure, justification of the social significance of teaching such a course in Russian universities, and the necessary methodological set for studying and consolidating the material. The concept of "countering extremism" is defined here as an activity aimed at protecting the state, society and the individual from manifestations that are actually or potentially destructive and violent. The authors of the textbook highlight the basic blocks of studying this issue, reflected in the main sections of the material, devoted to the legal aspects of countering extremism in modern Russia, as well as targeted countering extremism in the space of information culture. The author's team of the textbook gives not only scientific ideas about the realities of the policy of countering extremism in the Russian Federation, but also allocates the necessary reserves to improve the effectiveness of this policy in the regulatory and information areas of public life. The purpose of the textbook is seen as an important material that contributes to the rationalization of the consciousness of Russian students, the formation of a full-fledged picture of the world, the education of citizenship and patriotism.