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Abstract

The paper discusses the internal and external syntax of comparison constructions in the light of diachronic as well as dialectal German data. As far as the syntactic position of comparison particles is concerned, the data present evidence against the widespread analysis as prepositions or complementizers and in favour of a syntactic position above the standard-of-comparison CP. This is demonstrated in detail for the German comparison particles als and wie. Concerning the syntactic status of the standard of comparison, diachronic and dialectal data support the so-called direct analysis, according to which the standard of comparison may consist of the comparison particle and a mere DP, PP etc. without assuming an elided full clause in all cases. With respect to their link to the remainder of the clause comparisons show characteristics both of subordinate clauses, notably relative clauses, as well as of coordination. The diachronic and dialectal data underline this Janus-headed nature of comparison constructions which is tentatively attributed to a historically underlying correlative construction and syntactic reanalysis as an embedded clause on this basis.

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