Foreign policy is an integral part of international relations. This study examines the United States (US) foreign policy towards Jordan from 1990 to 2017 since the period witnessed important regional and international political events that significantly impacted the US foreign policy. These events have the greatest impact on the development of relations between the two countries in terms of political and security aspects. The study looks at four political events and their impacts on Jordanian-American relations from the political and security aspects. Therefore, the objectives of this study are to examine the US foreign policy towards Jordan from the political and security aspects. This study adopted the qualitative approach. The primary data were collected from interviews while the secondary data were obtained from books, journals, theses, newspapers, seminar papers, articles and other documents. In this study, 16 respondents from political, economic and security experts in Jordan and the US were selected for semi-structured interviews. The study employed Thematic Analysis in analysing the data obtained. This study adopted the neo-realism theory as a theoretical framework. This study found that the US foreign policy recognizes Jordan as a close ally and considers its stability very important. The US foreign policy was seen slightly negative towards Jordan during the Iraqi War on Kuwait in 1990. However, the Wadi Araba peace treaty between Jordan and Israel in 1994 had promoted positive US foreign policy towards Jordan. This policy was slightly weakened in 2017 due to the transfer of the US Embassy to Jerusalem. Certain political events play an important role in the US foreign policy regarding security aid towards Jordan. The study found that the US foreign policy provides security support to Jordan to protect Israel, spread American ideology and fight against its enemy. This research also found that Jordan has a suitable location to defend Israel because the country is surrounded by important Arab countries.  The US links its aids to Jordan due to political events. Accordingly, the study recommends the necessity for the Jordanian state to increase its influential economic alliances at the international level. In addition, Jordanian policy must be redrawn in line with international realities to pressure the US to make Jordan play an active role in the region and international arena. Jordan should better use its geographical location to achieve international cooperation and enhance Arab security as a barrier against Israel.

الملخّص هدفت الدراسة التعرف إلى أثر ظاهرة البعد الاقتصادي على النزعات الانفصالية في إقليم كردستان، وأثر تغيرات النظام الدولي في تعزيز الرغبة في الانفصال لدى الحالة الكردية، والعلاقة بين المؤشرات الرئيسية للدراسة وأثرها الإيجابي أو السلبي (البعد الاقتصادي على النزعة الانفصالية 2003-2020). واستندت الدراسة على فرضية رئيسية وهي علاقة ايجابية بين المتغير المستقل (البعد الاقتصادي الدولي) والمتغير التابع (النزعات الانفصالية للأقليات)، أي أنه كلما زادت عمليات التشابك في البعد الاقتصادي الدولي وانخرطت تلك الاقليات في هذه المسألة ارتفعت معه إيجاباً النزعات الانفصالية للأقليات. واتبعت الدراسة المنهج الاستقرائي والمنهج الوصفي التحليلي للوصول إلى نتائج الدراسة، حيث أظهرت النتائج على الصعيد المحلي والداخلي، أنّ إقليم كردستان يتمتع بالعديد من المقومات الاقتصادية، تتمثل بـ: المصادر الطبيعية المتنوعة، الأراضي الزراعية الخصبة، والقوى العاملة، وسوق اقتصادية خاصة للصناعات الهيدروكربونية والأدوية والأغذية المعبأة. أما على الصعيد الدولي والإقليمي فإنّ إقليم كردستان يحتل موقعاً مركزياً متميزاً على طريق التجارة الرئيسية، يشجع الدول العربية والأجنبية على الاستثمار وعلى التجارة الدولية. ويعمل اقليم كردستان على جذب الاستثمارات مع الدول العربية بهدف زيادة الحصة الاقتصادية على المستوى الدولي، وإقامة العلاقات الاقتصادية مع مختلف الدول، والاستفادة من تجارب الدول العربية والخليجية بما يدعم اقتصادها في مختلف القطاعات التجارية والصناعية، مثل قطاع البتروكيماويات والطاقة المتجددة والتجارة والزراعة والثروة الحيوانية. كلمات مفتاحية: النزعة الانفصالية، إقليم كردستان، المؤشرات الاقتصادية، علاقات دولية.

[…] In this work, we are focusing on the recognition of the ripe moment for a third-party’s intervention to a conflict, or, on the other hand, the moment when the conflicting parties get in an uncomfortable and costly predicament. Briefly, we try to find that specific time when the involved parties seek or are amenable to proposals that offer a way out. It is, besides, clear that the conflicting parties resolve a conflict only when they are ready to do so. […]

Objectives: This study aims to analyze the role of regional powers, specifically Iran and Turkey, in exerting dominance over the security of the Arab Gulf states. It also seeks to identify the geographical extensions, drivers, and determinants of this role during the period from 2003 to 2020. Methods: The study utilizes the theory of Regional Hegemony, as it is a crucial framework for explaining international relations, interactions, and phenomena within a specific regional context. Results: Significant developments since 2003, such as the change of the Iraqi regime, the rise of non-state actors like the Houthis in Yemen, the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq, and Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Arab Spring events in 2010, and the emergence of terrorist organizations like (ISIS), have contributed to a fragile and tense regional environment. These factors have led to chaos, conflicts, and alliances among major regional powers, namely Iran and Turkey, as well as international actors like Russia and the United States. These powers have intervened in the region, claiming to establish international peace and security while combating terrorism. It highlights the significance of examining the theory of hegemony and its implications for the security of the Arab Gulf states. Conclusions: The expansion of Iran and Turkey in the region, accompanied by a shift from defensive realism to offensive realism, suggests an attempt to dominate and pose a threat to other Gulf countries. It is supported by an analysis of their positions and the arguments presented to justify their interventions as peaceful