In order to examine the sexual behaviour of a highly mobile social group, qualitative data and quantitative data were elicited from 212 private motorbike taxi-men, locally called bodabodamen, from two study sites in Masaka, Uganda. Selection criteria were availability and willingness to participate in the study. Research techniques employed were a questionnaire, focus group discussions, in-depth interviews and case studies. Findings indicate that bodabodamen are a highly mobile group who engage in frequent seasonal rural-urban migration. Consequent to this, bodabodamen have a wide network of both occasional and regular sexual partnerships. Both serial and concurrent multiple partnerships are with adults, youths, widows, students, sugar-mummies, barmaids, commercial sex workers, tailors. Exchange plays a significant role in sexual negotiations but the act of giving to a sexual partner is ambivalent in its social interpretation. Since bodabodamen have regular access to cash, they have higher bargaining power for sex. Implications for HIV/AIDS prevention are discussed.
This article challenges the pervasive assumption that exchanging gifts and money in adolescent sexual relationships is transactional. Data were derived from a multi-method, qualitative sexual health needs assessment of 31 out-of-school adolescents in rural southwest Uganda. Grounded theory analysis allows contextual meanings of exchange to emerge. Adolescents have developed gendered courting and exchange models that parallel marital relationships in this cultural context. Whereas exchange is considered transactional and immoral in some types of relationships, in adolescent relationships, it is not. Young women are not ashamed of, or stigmatized by, the exchange; they are proud of it. The exchange signifies several things: self-respect and a partner's willingness to wait for the relationships to become sexual and, therefore, that they are valued and respected by their partners. This demonstrates commitment from a partner, whose role is as a provider. To expect no gift or to have sex for pleasure are the hallmarks of the worst kind of woman-a malaya. "Need" is the only acceptable rationale for extramartial sex for any woman in this sexual value system. Interventions promoting longer courting and sustained support for one partner would encourage a delay in debut for young women and encourage greater monogamy in young men.
Although constitutionally illegal, induced abortion is a vital reproductive health option in Uganda. This paper analyses men's narratives about meanings of, and experiences with, abortion. Men play significant roles in abortion as instigators, facilitators, collaborators, transporters, advisors, informers, supporters or punishment givers. Many participants were knowledgeable about abortion. Attitudes were ambivalent, with initial reactions of denial and relegation of abortion to women's private domains. Further exploration, however, revealed active support and involvement of men. Interpretations of abortion ranged from 'dependable saviour' to 'deceptive sin'. Though a private action, abortion is socially scripted and often collectively determined by wider social networks of kinsmen, the community, peers, law and religion. A disjuncture exists between dominant public health discourse and the reality of local men who interact with women and girls as wives, lovers, sex sellers, mothers, daughters and sisters. Interventions targeting men about abortion should include safe sex education, provide safe abortion services and create stronger social support mechanisms. Policy and law should incorporate local knowledge and practice. RÉSUMÉ "L'avortement? Cela c'est pour les femmes!" Narrations et témoignages des auto-cyclistes commerciaux au sud-ouest de l'Ouganda. Quoique l'avortement provoqué soit constitutionnellement illégal, il demeure une option importante de la santé de reproduction en Ouganda. Cet article fait une analyse des narrations de la part des hommes sur la signification de l'avortement et leurs expériences face à l'avortement. Les hommes jouent des rôles importants en tant qu'instigateurs, animateurs, collaborateurs, transports, conseillers, informateurs, soutiens ou donateurs de punition. Beaucoup de participants étaient renseignés sur l'avortement. Les attitudes étaient ambivalentes et il y avaient des réactions initiales des dénégations et du renvoi de l'avortement au domains privés de la femme alors qu'une exploration davantage, a révélé un soutien et une implication actifs. Les interprétations de l'avortement variaient d'un sauveur sur qui l'on peut compter "jusqu'à un péché déceptif ". Quioqu'une action privée, l'avortement est préparé d'avance et souvent collectivement déterminé par un réseau social plus large de parents de la communauté, des pairs, la loi et la religion. Il y a une disparité entre le discours de la santé publique dominante et la réalité des hommes locaux qui entretiennent des rapports entre les femmes et les jeunes filles en tant qu'épouses, amantes, vendeuses de sexe, mères, filles et soeurs. L'intervention qui vise les hommes à l'égard de l'avortement doit comprendre l'éducation sexuelle sans danger, assurer les services de l'avortement sans danger et créer des mécanismes de soutien social plus forts. La politique générale et la loi doivent incorporer la connaissance et la politique locales. (Rev Afr Santé Reprod 2005; 9[1]: 142-161 )
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