Globalization has become the predominant framework for the analysis of the world political economy. The literature is replete with telling criticism of the consequences of globalization controlled by neoliberal ideology, namely, social and economic injustice and despoliation of the environment. What needs to be done is to construct an alternative model of global change and to elaborate a political agenda for its implementation. Establishment theorists, stung by widespread antineoliberalism mobilizations including ones in Seattle and Washington, DC (right in the neoliberal heartland), have rallied to resist the challenge to their model of a corporation-dominated world. They have responded with &dquo;phase 2 reform&dquo; as damage control for the current world system (transperialism) through trickle-down economics. This is avoidance of what really is demanded by our time: transcending neoliberalism to achieve another world.The essential elements of another world are personal well-being, environment enhancement, social justice, human rights, space for personal creativity and technical innovation, enlightened international law and regulation, the end of the war system, the politics of individual and group fulfillment, the promotion of cultural expression and preservation, and citizen control. The literature explains why the present world system is generally detrimental to the attainment of any of these goals.

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When LAP was founded, Salvador Allende had recently been elected president of Chile, and it was already apparent that the United States would not allow that democratic socialist experiment to survive. The founding editors and their supporters recognized the need for a forum in which progressive scholars, researchers, students, and activists in the United States, Latin America, and elsewhere could exchange ideas and develop theoretical perspectives about the nature of U.S. imperialism and the conduct of capitalism in the Third World, particularly in Latin America.Latin Americans already had a vibrant left experience, but successive waves of anticommunism in the United States had decimated the left and made Marxism an almost illegitimate mode of thought in academia. However, the unpopular war in Vietnam made it impossible to conceal the covert exercise of U.S. imperial power in places such as Iran, Guatemala, Guayana, Angola, Brazil, and the Dominican Republic (to name but a few instances). U.S. policy was ripe for exposure, and there was a thirst for analysis. The validity of investigation on a regional basis was questioned then as it is now. The social science disciplines, in their effort to reduce study to the formulaic ahistorical behaviorism that would obscure the machinations taking place in specific historical circumstances, devalued the focus on Latin America in an interdisciplinary venue. Such ventures as Project Camelot, in which putatively objective researchers working for the U.S. government provided information useful for destabilizing and overthrowing constitutionally elected regimes, were carried out by social scientists.Then the vehicle for imperialism was the cold war. With the collapse of the Soviet bloc, a new stage has been reached. The economic policies of monetarism, which were always foisted on Latin American nations seeking aid from the International Monetary Fund, have been expanded and are now being imposed on the citizens of the United States as well in a phenomenon