That the COVID‐19 pandemic has affected the work conditions of large segments of the society is in no doubt. A growing body of journalistic accounts raised the possibility that the lockdown caused by the pandemic affects women and men in different ways, due mostly to the traditionally gendered division of labor in the society. We attempt to test this oft‐cited argument by conducting an original survey with nearly 200 academics. Specifically, we explore the extent to which the effect of the lockdown on child‐care, housework and home‐office environment varies across women and men. Our results show that a number of factors are associated with the effect of the lockdown on the work conditions of academics at home, including gender, having children, perceived threat from COVID‐19, and satisfaction with work environment. We also show that having children disproportionately affects women in terms of the amount of housework during the lockdown.
This article presents how Turkish politicians' discourse on population stagnation and growth becomes palpable -despite the healthy population growth in Turkey. Empirically, our article traces the slogans that the then Prime Minister Erdoğan, and the governing party politicians use to frame the 'population issue' in Turkey from 2008 to 2013. By using Ajans Press database comprising over 5,000 newspaper articles, we selected 120 of the news items that presented us with the politicians' slogans whereby general terms such as children, women, economy, family, morality, and birth featured. We show that the 'three children' slogan of the current President Erdoğan preceded and replaced policy deliberations regarding the making of population politics, but aimed at affecting public's deliberative reasoning discursively. We argue that normative mechanisms embedded in political discourse and circulated for public deliberation would generate discursive governance of population politics. Thereby, politicians could advance governance even without introducing major policy changes.
Using the Gezi Park protests as a case study this article considers the performative component of protest movements including how and why protestors actively produce protest activity 'on the ground' and how this is expressed through visual images. It looks beyond iconic images which appear as emblematic of the protest and instead shifts our focus to consider the more 'everyday' or mundane activities which occur during a protest occupation, and explores how social media allows these images to have expressive and communicative dimensions. In this respect, protests can be performed through humdrum activities and this signifies a political voice which is communicated visually. The research is based on visual analysis of Twitter data and reveals methodological innovation in understanding how protestors communicate.
This paper examines expressions and experiences of internalised sexual stigma with respect to definitions of masculinity and identity conflicts through a thematic analysis of life-history narratives of 14 self-identified gay men living in Turkey. The analysis reveals that internalised sexual prejudice emerges when widely accepted hegemonic masculinity ideology is 'violated' by being gay. Participants' narratives indicate that their construction of masculinity is a vigorous process established via encounters with hegemonic masculinity. Findings are discussed in the context of the relevant literature and in relation to Turkish culture's traditional understanding of gender and gender roles.
Protest movements are struggles to be seen and to be heard. In the last
60 years protest movements around the world have mobilized against
injustices and inequalities to bring about substantial sociocultural,
sociopolitical, and socio-economic changes. Whilst familiar repertoires
of action persist, such as strikes, demonstrations, and occupations of
public space, the landscape is very different from 60 years ago when the
so-called ‘new social movements’ emerged. We need to take stock of the
terrain of protest movements, including dramatic developments in digital
technologies and communication, the use of visual culture by protestors,
and the expression of democracy. This chapter introduces the volume and
explains how aesthetics of protest are performative and communicative,
constituting a movement through the performance of politics.
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