UDK 639.1.057(497.6) U ovom radu prikazana je metodologija kao i glavni rezultati istraživanja koje je proveo Šumarski fakultet Univerzitetaa u Sarajevu tokom 2003. i 2004. godine među lovačkim organizacijama Srednjobosanskog kantona. Cilj rada je prikazati evoluciju broja lovaca prije i poslije rata te njihovu socio-ekonomsku strukturu, obrazovanje i motive za bavljenje lovom u današnjim uslovima.

The issue of war crimes and suffering of the population during the Second World War is very complex since it still in many cases serves as a subject of manipulation, in addition, a large number of crimes and suffering is very difficult to investigate and reliably determine the exact number of victims. After the end of the war, it was necessary to show as many victims as possible in order to get as many war reparations as possible, but over time the numbers began to serve the purpose of manipulation to strengthen nationalism, especially Serbian, which can be seen in the number of Jasenovac victims, which without any arguments reached as many as 800,000. If we take the official data on war losses during the Second World War, we will see that Yugoslavia had 1,706,000. casualties while the UK had around 450,900 deaths in total and the US had 418,500 casualties. So it is interesting that Yugoslavia's losses are greater than the total losses that Britain and the United States had together, which ultimately carried the brunt of World War II. In addition, it is important to emphasize that Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged from World War II with enormous human and material losses. 541,717 inhabitants were killed and about 417,000 residential buildings were destroyed. Of that number, more than 103,000 related to the suffering of Bosniaks. Taking the losses in Yugoslavia, it is evident that the losses of Bosnia and Herzegovina are greater than the losses of Serbia, Vojvodina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro combined. The following reasons can be used as an answer to the question „why?“, and that is primarily bad doctrine and strategy of war, desire for power and conflict of ideologies, as well as violent implementation of national state projects, the Greater Serbian project and the Greater Croatian project, with the aim of creating a homogeneous space. ¸ It is very important not to observe the events from the Second World War, especially the sensitive ones, globally, but separately, because only in this way will research not mislead us. Crimes should be viewed in the context of events and the responsibilities of commanders and perpetrators. As for the suffering of the population, it is evident that the most tragic fate is mostly borne by Bosniaks since they were under attack by all ideologies and their formations, but their greatness stems from the fact that their pain and position did not lead them to evil. Thus, Bosniaks are the only people who did not have their own fascist movement, nor did their formations organize targeted attacks on places where residents of other denominations lived. It is obvious that they never accepted Ustasha crimes and racial politics, they distanced themselves even more from evil at the very beginning, and there were energetic actions to protect their neighbors, while on the other hand there is no indication that Serb or Croat neighbors stopped to protect their Bosniak neighbors. Instead of being rewarded for their anti-fascism and nobility by the new government, Bosniaks are again under open attack, and for some areas it is evident that this repression resulted in more suffering during the „liberation“ than during the entire war. What is especially unfortunate is the fact that even today there are attempts to manipulate the numbers of victims by mostly Greater Serbia protagonists, who seek to relativize history and continue to spread hatred, telling untruths or distorting historical facts.

Political circumstances are the result of the action of political factors, the power structures in one space. In this paper, we look at the political situation in one region - a smaller area that is affected by political conflicts in the wider region. More precisely, the paper presents political options, generators of political circumstances in the Tuzla region until the beginning of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina in April 1992.

In this paper, we deal with the concept of transport policy, then follow the goal and development of the transport policy of the European Union. We present chronologically the measures adopted by the European Parliament in the field of transport policy (collection of taxes for the use of road infrastructure, passenger rights, road safety, the technical condition of vehicles, intelligent transport systems, road infrastructure safety, statistics, and prevention of accidents caused by alcohol and cross-border sanctioning in the field of road safety). Also, the paper analyzes the state of transport from the aspect of security in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as how Bosnia and Herzegovina as a European country and on its path to Euro-Atlantic integration is gradually taking on obligations from the EU transport policy with the aim of progress and development.

At the beginning of the paper we explain the territorial differences between the Washington and Dayton Peace Solutions, which especially refers to the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton and focuses only on the Tuzla region and its specifics in relation to other regions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We then present the basic elements of the Washington Agreement, the meetings that preceded it, the content of the agreement, the principles of the Vienna Agreement important for the organization of the canton, as well as active monitoring and consideration of the agreement by the Tuzla District Assembly and its views on international community plans. We also monitor the implementation and importance of the implementation of the Washington Agreement in the Tuzla region and the creation of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, explain the name of the canton and use demographic data based on the 1991 census to indicate that Podrinje is a Bosniak-majority region. Then we give an overview of how the implementation of the Washington Agreement reflected on the normalization of food prices, the situation in the canton and the strengthening of the combat power of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the II Corps of the Army of B&H. The paper describes the jurisdiction of the President of the Canton, the Government of the Canton, national representation by agreement of SDA and HDZ, the composition of the government, the reasons for non-participation of Serbs in implementation and talks with the Serb Civic Council to participate in organizing ministries. We especially present the activities of the President and the Government of the Canton on supporting the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, II Corps and strengthening defense, budget funds for these purposes: action: „We are all B&H Army“, support for displaced persons and improving living conditions in protected areas of Srebrenica and Žepa We also describe the activities of the authorities during the fall of the protected zones of Srebrenica and Žepa, for the care of the displaced population, as well as the requests to the institutions of the international community to stop and prevent genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica. We especially emphasize the activity of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton Ministry of the Interior in preserving public order and peace. We are especially dealing with the military situation in the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, presenting significant military successes through the liberation of Lisača on the Kalesija front, Vis near Gračanica, Vijenac near Lukavac, Greda on Majevica, as well as the crushing of enemy offensives „Spreča-95“ and others. In this paper, we argue the support of Russian diplomacy to the aggressor and link Russia's diplomatic activities through the contact group and other accomplices of the conspiracy group towards the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a complex situation such as that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, when a Serbian aggressor with the support of insurgent Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina commits genocide, a joint criminal enterprise with the support of the Croatian state led by Tuđman and Croats mainly from Herzegovina win over Fikret Abdić to organize a quisling creation „autonomous region of Western Bosnia“ and opening a conflict with the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The support of the Tuzla District Assembly to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their efforts to stop the war and find a peaceful solution was significant. Also, the authorities of the District of Tuzla vigorously condemned the divisions on the national principle as well as the division of the territory of the District of Tuzla. In this paper, we have processed the proposals of the Assembly of the District of Tuzla to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to individual peace solutions. The inadmissibility of the Dayton Peace Solution for the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton authorities and the SDA Cantonal Committee was specifically addressed as well as the reasons and request to President Alija Izetbegović and the negotiating team of Bosnia and Herzegovina to leave the Dayton negotiations, and then the request to Izetbegović to clarify the reasons for accepting such an unjust peace agreement.