Studies have shown that people differ in their likelihood of intervening as a bystander in situations of violence, but it is unclear how these actions relate to the use of alcohol. Two studies (N = 1,525) examined the relationship between alcohol use and pro-social bystander interventions in situations of physical and sexual coercion. Studies 1 and 2 provided cross-sectional evidence that alcohol use, along with alcohol expectancies, predicted patterns of bystander interventions, depending on gender. Discussion centers on the importance of including alcohol as another facet in understanding the role of pro-social bystander interventions.

Alcohol-related sexual violence remains a public health problem. Despite the popularity of sexual assault bystander intervention programs, these may be limited in addressing bystander intoxication because the effects of intoxication on intervening in a sexual assault are unknown. Therefore, we tested the effects of alcohol intoxication on the five steps of bystander intervention in a sexual assault vignette. Method: Young adults (N = 128; 50% women) were randomly assigned to consume alcohol (target blood alcohol concentration = 0.08%; n = 64) or a nonalcoholic control beverage (n = 64) in a barlaboratory. Next, participants were presented with a vignette describing events occurring in a convivial drinking context that ends with nonconsensual sexual behavior. Latané and Darley's bystander intervention model steps were assessed in a semistructured interview. Results: Participants in the control condition recalled the story more accurately (Step 1: notice the event) and reported greater risk/need for intervention (Step 2), but they did not differ on the latter three steps of bystander intervention compared with alcohol-condition participants. Intoxication effects were similar for men and women. Furthermore, risk/need for intervention (Step 2) partially mediated the effect of alcohol condition on personal responsibility (Step 3) and relative benefits versus costs from intervening (Step 4). Conclusions: Prevention programs should consider the effects of alcohol on detecting a sexual assault and the need to intervene. If intoxicated bystanders do not detect a sexual assault, then bystanders will not reach the crucial steps (i.e., taking responsibility for intervening; willingness and ability to intervene) required to intervene successfully.

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Lesbian and bisexual women experience significantly higher rates of sexual assault and rape compared with heterosexual women. Despite this, researchers have yet to distinguish whether sexual orientation itself or some other related social characteristics explain these higher rates. The objective of this study was to analyze women’s rates of sexual assault and rape across sexual orientation status while accounting for other social characteristics (e.g., race, education, income, outness). Women ( N = 1,366), who identified as lesbian (31%), bisexual (32%), and heterosexual (31%), completed a nationally distributed, cross-sectional online survey in 2016. Victimization and repeat victimization were assessed using a modified version of Sexual Experience Survey–Short Form Victimization. Overall, 63% of bisexual, 49% of lesbian, and 35% of heterosexual women reported experiencing rape in their lifetime. When holding all other social characteristics constant, sexual orientation remained a significant predictor in the model. Compared with the odds of heterosexual women experiencing sexual assault or rape, bisexual women (3.7 odds of victimization; 7.3 odds of repeat victimization) and lesbian women (3.2 odds of repeat victimization) were disproportionately victimized. Sexual orientation clearly plays a role in sexual victimization risk, independent of other measured sociodemographic indicators. Continued research is needed to explore possible mechanisms behind sexual assault and rape prevalence, as well as the influence of contextual factors of victimization risk among sexual minority men.

The purpose of this study was to better understand the role of Title IX coordinators and their policies across four-year universities and two-year community colleges in the United States (U.S.). There is little information regarding Title IX coordinators’ training, background, and policies on how they handle Title IX investigations regarding sexual violence. The data come from an online survey that included 692 Title IX coordinators across four-year (private and public) and two-year campuses and represented 42 different states in the US. The current study found that most Title IX coordinators were in part-time positions with less than three years of experience. Most of the coordinators and their investigators were trained in Title IX policies. Most coordinators provide Title IX training for their students and faculty, and most have completed a campus climate survey; however, 15% had not completed a survey. The findings suggest that the majority of campuses are continuing to increase their Title IX visibility; however, there are several recommendations for campuses to improve their policies. The current study was able to shed light on how Title IX coordinators do their jobs and the role they play in helping with the challenging issues surrounding sexual violence at institutions across the nation.