This paper challenges the cross-linguistic validity of the tense–aspect category ‘perfect’ by investigating 15 languages from eight different families (Atayal, Brazilian Portuguese, Dutch, English, German, Gitksan, Japanese, Javanese, Korean, Mandarin, Niuean, Québec French, St’át’imcets, Swahili, and Tibetan). The methodology involves using the storyboard ‘Miss Smith’s Bad Day’ to test for the availability of experiential, resultative, recent-past, and continuous readings, as well as lifetime effects, result-state cancellability, narrative progression, and compatibility with definite time adverbials. Results show that the target forms in these languages can be classified into four groups: (a) past perfectives; (b) experientials; (c) resultatives; and (d) hybrids (which allow both experiential and resultative readings). It is argued that the main division is between past perfectives, which contain a ‘pronominal’ tense, on the one hand, and the other three groups on the other, which involve existential quantification, either over times (experiential) or over events (resultative). The methodological and typological implications of the findings are discussed. The main conclusion of the study is that there is no universal category of ‘the perfect’, and that instead, researchers should focus on identifying shared semantic components of tense–aspect categories across languages.

In interactive models of speech production, wordforms that are related to a target form are co-activated during lexical planning, and co-activated wordforms can leave phonetic traces on the target. This mechanism has been proposed to account for phonetic similarities among morphologically related wordforms. We test this hypothesis in a Javanese verb paradigm. In Javanese, one class of verbs is inflected by nasalizing an initial voiceless obstruent: one form of each word begins with a nasal, while its otherwise identical relative begins with a voiceless obstruent. We predict that if morphologically related forms are co-activated during production, the nasal-initial forms of these words should show phonetic traces of their obstruent-initial forms, as compared to nasal-initial wordforms that do not alternate. Twenty-seven native Javanese speakers produced matched pairs of alternating and non-alternating wordforms. Based on an acoustic analysis of nasal resonance and closure duration, we present good evidence against the original hypothesis: We find that the alternating nasals are phonetically identical to the non-alternating ones on both measures. We argue that interactive effects during lexical planning do not offer the best account for morphologically conditioned phonetic similarities. We discuss an alternative involving competition between phonotactic constraints and word-specific phonological structures.

English already and the perfect aspect are both acceptable in many of the same environments. For example, both can express the recent past, an experiential reading, or a result. In investigating the semantics of a marker with these properties in an understudied language, it is easy to categorize such a marker as either notion. The auxiliary wis in Javanese (Western Malayo-Polynesian) is a case in point: different grammars, typological studies, dissertations, and journal articles on Javanese have glossed wis as expressing already , a (present) perfect, a past tense, or a perfective. However, the semantics of Javanese wis has not been formally studied. In this paper, we first identify several cross-linguistic properties that distinguish already from the perfect aspect. Using these diagnostics, we then propose that Javanese wis cannot be analyzed as a perfect aspect. Instead, wis is a focus operator that presupposes that the focus is a maximal element among a set of ordered alternatives, following Krifka’s recent analysis of English already .

Javanese has a contrast between tense and lax stops. While both tense and lax stops are voiceless and unaspirated, the contrast at least in word-initial position is realized through acoustic differences in the following vowel, including lower f0, breathier voice quality, and higher F1 for the lax stops relative to their tense counterparts. However, previous reports have indicated substantial cross-speaker variation, and in some cases involve differing characterizations of the acoustic contrast, possibly due to small sample sizes. Moreover, it is still unclear whether (and how) this contrast is maintained in word-final position. In this study, we investigate the tense-lax contrast based on audio recordings of 27 speakers of Central Javanese from Semarang, Indonesia who each read 30 or more items with a word-initial or word-final stop in a carrier phrase. Stops and their adjacent vowels were hand-annotated, and measurements were taken including voice onset and offset time, stop closure and release duration, f0, formant frequencies, and spectral tilt and noise levels. Discussion will focus on how the tense-lax contrast is realized in both word-initial and word-final positions, as well as how different acoustic correlates co-vary within and across speakers.

Jeoung (2020) argues that certain predicates in Indonesian are categorially ambiguous between auxiliaries and lexical verbs. Moreover, she claims that the auxiliary reading has been overlooked in analyses of so-called crossed control in Indonesian. As we show in this reply, however, the auxiliary reading is in fact independent of crossed control.