In the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FB&H) modern agricultural household is developing slowly and it is not on the satisfying level. Main feature of FB&H agriculture in the future will be based on small and mid-sized agricultural households. Elements of production diversity and extensively will be kept for a while with relatively higher number of people in rural areas. This can be achieved by modern forms of ruralization or neo-ruralization which can be used as possible theoretical redefinition of current rural paradigms, especially in connection to the modernization theories. In the profiling process of rural areas, institution of village could be of great use, and have to be developed and adapted, with forming the new ones. This applies to the traditional village institutions, but also to the new ones such as modern agencies for rural development on national, regional and local level which exists in many countries in the world.

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Salih Burek is one of the most respected economists in B&H, a professor and economic thinker of the Tuzla region from the late 50s to the early 1970s. Due to critical approaches to the party leadership of the Tuzla basin and the development of the contradicted economic concepts of the development of the chemical industry in Tuzla, it is strongly politically discredited and removed from public life. Politically-designed police accusations are classified as so-called Tuzla group, which in the mid-1970s was at the center of the biggest political affair in the socialist times of Tuzla and Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole. Burek was the closest associate of Pashaga Mandzic, the hero of the revolution and the most important political figure of Tuzla of that time, proclaimed the leader of the so-called Tuzla Group. In the structure of the assembled political and police-judicial incrimination of Pasaga Mandzic and Tuzla group consisted literally of all ideological and political hostilities that existed at the time against socialism and socialist self-government in Yugoslavia. The interweaving of the fate of Salih Burek and Pasaga Mandzic and the common political suffering will make their biographies almost inseparable. By a judgment of the District Court in Tuzla (1975), he was sentenced to six years in prison in Zenica. After exiting from prison (1981), he again dedicated himself as a scientific associate of the Economic Institute in Tuzla to the improvement of the economic development of the Tuzla area.

SažetakAutori u članku daju argumente u razvijanju teze da ustavni poredak Bosne i Hercegovine zanemaruje državnu finansijsku suverenost, te zaključuju kako je Bosna i Hercegovina fiskalno suverena koliko i jedna konfederacija. U središtu ekonomske i političko-pravne rasprave o državnosti Bosne i Hercegovine su različiti pristupi raspodjeli odgovornosti između države i entiteta, te pristupi organizaciji vlasti. Dominantno pitanje u ovoj raspravi je da li se Bosna i Hercegovina može smatrati federacijom ili konfederacijom. U neslaganju nacionalnih i političkih elita, dominantan sukob se temelji na etnonacionalnim poimanjima etničke homogenosti i nacionalnih suvereniteta nad "svojim teritorijima". Rješenje za održivost Bosne i Hercegovine u ovom članku promatra se kroz dva konceptualna nivoa. U prvom, uključenost međunarodne zajednice, a posebno Europske unije, u projektiranju promjene Daytona se čini neizbježnom. Po drugom, Bosna i Hercegovina će morati sama pomiriti sadašnje nepomirljive razlike svojih nacionalnih političkih elita. U oba slučaja, minimalni prihvatljivi okviri za sva zakonska rješenja trebaju uključivati uspostavu mehanizama za fiskalnu održivost države Bosne i Hercegovine, uključujući ekonomsko-fiskalnu koordinaciju među entitetima i Distriktu Brčko, zaštitu jednakih pojedinačnih i kolektivnih prava, jednakosti konstitutivnih naroda na cijelom državnom teritoriju, uključujući i prava manjina, te usvajanje i provođenje međunarodnih povelja i konvencije o ljudskim pravima.Ključne riječi: Daytonski sporazum, fiskalni federalizam, fiskalna održivost, fiskalni konfederalizam