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The combustion performance of polyamide 6 (PA 6) and poly(butylene terephthalate) (PBT), both fire retarded by phosphorus oxynitride (PON), was studied by oxygen index (OI) and Underwriters Laboratory UL94 tests. It was shown that either PON alone or in combination with different co-additives is efficient in PA 6 and much less active in PBT. Thermogravimetric experiments provided evidence that PON promotes charring in both PA 6 and PBT. The mechanism of the char formation from PA 6 and PBT in the presence of PON was discussed on the basis of IR studies of solid residues produced in the thermal decomposition. The effective fire retardant action of PON in PA 6 is related to the interaction with the polymer to produce char, whereas the less effective activity of PON in PBT is related to the unfavorable acceleration of the evolution of combustible aliphatic fragments. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Das Brandverhalten vonPolyamid 6 (PA 6) und Poly(butylenterephthalat) (PBT), beide mit Phosphoroxynitrid (PON) als Flammschutzmittel ausgerüstet, wurde mit Hilfe von Messungen des Sauerstoffindexes und Underwriter Laboratories UL 94-Tests untersucht. Es wurde gezeigt, daß entweder PON selbst oder in der Mischung mit verschiedenen Coadditiven in PA 6 wirksam und in PBT weniger aktiv ist. Aus den thermogravimetrischen Messungen geht hervor, daß PON sowohl in PA 6 als auch in PBT die Karbonisierung fördert. Aufgrund von IR-spektroskopischen Untersuchungen der festen Produkte, die sich beim thermischen Abbau bilden, wird der Mechanismus der Verkohlung von PA 6 und PBT in Gegenwart von PON diskutiert. Die flammhemmende Wirkung von PON in PA 6 wird auf Wechselwirkungen mit dem Polymeren zurückgeführt, während die geringere Aktivität von PON in PBT der beschleunigten Bildung brennbarer aliphatischer Fragmente zugeschrieben wird.

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This paper examines the role of Euroscepticism on regional crossborder cooperation between Germany and Denmark. It demonstrates that Euroscepticism, while absent from local mainstream politicians, had already caused civic unrest in the 1997 attempts to construct a return to history Euro-region Schleswig. It resulted in a re-scaling of the Euro-Region to Region and Schleswig to "Sønderjylland/Schleswig", omitting any reference to Europe, European identity or a commitment to a closer European union in the relevant agreements. Border controls, on the agenda in 2011 and again since 2015, have demonstrated the institutional weakness of cross-border politics when faced with determined initiatives from the national center. Furthermore, the Eurosceptic Danish People's Party had its best results in the border precincts both at the latest European and Danish national elections. Euroscepticism, even though difficult to measure on a regional level, seems to have been an ever present underneath current despite a political rhetoric of successful cooperation and cross-border reconciliation. The Danish-German case's development might be more distinct, but nonetheless representative for European border (and cross-border) regions. While European metropolises develop into thriving cosmopolitan post-nation state societies, this is not necessary the case at Europe's borders, where categorization and bordering remain common social practices by the large majority of national borderlanders with only a small portion of transnational borderlanders or 'regionauts' getting involved in border crossing social practices on a larger scale. To ease cooperation across the border, so-called Euroregions have been established across virtually all European borders, both internal and external ones. In the twenty-first century, some Euroregions have formed European Groupings of Territorial Cooperation, applying a new European legal tool to incite more commitment of the partners to actual functional integration across the border. At the same time, the Schengen system of open borders is challenged by perceived security threats as well as unwanted migration predominantly from Africa and the Middle East. EU member states have reintroduced border controls to