Since the Syrian crisis, migration has emerged as a rising and permanent discussion of European politics that has both created diversity and caused obstacles in the attitudes and policy orientations across the member states. In addition, the migrant crisis opened a space for Eurosceptic actors to exploit it as an issue for politicization and securitization. Eurosceptic discourse has framed the migrant crisis as a threat to national, economic, cultural and internal security, bringing its securitization aspect into question. In this respect, new security measures, such as border controls and detention, and a discourse that employs anti-migration themes have become visible in many member states. The focus of this study is to analyse Hungary's overall position and policy orientations towards the crisis in order to deconstruct its main messages, identify the interlocutors and the reasons behind particular perspectives. In this descriptive content analysis, more than 160 official documents have been thoroughly examined. It was observed that in opposition to the European migration governance, Hungary has gone through a securitizing discourse as the first theme. The second theme is that due to Brussels' policy preferences, which are characterized to be anti-democratic and unlawful, and believed to have created a civilization disaster, Budapest has exhibited a Eurosceptic stance. Hungary's overall position and policy orientations towards the migrant crisis are concluded to be the combination of securitization and Euroscepticism. Accordingly in the last theme, Hungary's proposed solution to the migrant crisis, which was framed as a threat, is 'stopping' it by initiating new security measures.

Bu makale, Türkiye’nin 2002 yılından sonra değişen ve ivme kazanan Batı Balkanlara yönelik dış politikasını incelemektedir. Araştırma, ‘uzman mülakatı’ tekniği ile Türkiye’nin güçlü ve zayıf yönlerini belirleyerek bölgede sahip olduğu fırsatları ve karşılaştığı tehditleri ortaya çıkarmayı amaçlamaktadır. ‘Türk dış politikası ve Batı Balkanlar’ konusunda uzman 15 akademisyen/araştırmacı ile gerçekleştirilen yapılandırılmış mülakatlar için – Güçlü yönler (Strength), Zayıf yönler (Weakness), Fırsatlar (Opportunities) ve Tehditler (Threat) kelimelerinin baş harflerinden oluşan SWOT Analizi yapılmıştır. Türkiye’nin bölge ile olan tarihsel-sosyolojik bağları, yumuşak güç ve kamu diplomasisi, ekonomik ve ticari gündemi de dâhil dış politika aktivizmi ‘güçlü’ yönleri; bölgedeki olumsuz algısı, siyasi ve ekonomik istikrarsızlığı, uluslararası rekabet ve Batı ile yaşanan sorunlar ve son olarak bürokratik problemler, ‘zayıf’ yönleri olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Ekonomik-ticari potansiyel ve kimlik temelli fırsatlar, alternatif güçlerin kapasite ve etkinlikleri ile Türkiye’nin Euro-Atlantik ağı bölgede sahip olduğu ‘fırsatlar’; alternatif güçler ve artan rekabet, iktidarın mevcut dış politikasından kaynaklanan sorunlar ve bölgenin kendi dinamiklerinin yarattığı belirsizlikler, bölgede karşılaştığı ‘tehditler’ olarak sıralanmaktadır. Türkiye’nin bölgede sürdürülebilir bir dış politika izleyebilmesi için kurumsallaşma kapasitesini ve inisiyatiflerini güçlendirmesi, daha da önemlisi bölgeye ilişkin kapsayıcı yeni bir yaklaşım benimsemesi önerilmektedir.

The European Union (EU), which was established for the restoration of peace and prosperity after the Second World War, increased its members to 15 after the 1973, 1981, 1986 and 1995 enlargements. The EU, which included Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries in 2004 and 2007 through the political conditionality and external incentive model, following the collapse of the Berlin Wall, became a regional and global actor, including 28 countries following the Croatia's membership in 2013. After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the Union commenced some initiatives, such as the establishment of peace making and stability in the Balkans, reconstruction and confront the past for the region. The EU initiated the candidacy perspective to the Western Balkan countries at the 2003 Thessaloniki Summit. In this article, we examined which discourses, for what causes, and which legitimization tools were used by the Union in its enlargement policy comparatively for the Western Balkans and CEE cases. For this purpose, content analysis of the Enlargement Strategy Papers, Summit  Bu çalışma, ilk yazarın 2214-A Yurt Dışı Doktora Sırası Araştırma Burs Programı kapsamında TÜBİTAK tarafından desteklenmiştir.

Following many years of political competition in Serbia between reformists and nationalists, critical presidential and parliamentary elections were held in 2008 during the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo by Albanians in the shadow of the European Union (EU) agenda. 2008 elections reshaped party politics in favour of pro-Europeanism. This article analyses the change in party positions towards EU membership with the help of "process analysis" by referring to the independent variables of compliance, identification, and internalization, modelled by Herbert Kelman. The study focuses on following political parties that have shaped Serbian politics for a long time: The Democratic Party of Serbia (Demokratska Stranka Srbije-DSS), the Democratic Party (Demokratska Stranka-DS), the Serbian Progressive Party (Srpska Napredna Stranka-SNS), and the Socialist Party of Serbia (Socijalistička Partija Srbije-SPS). Contrary to arguments, which suggest that party positions have changed due to EU conditionality with the help of internalisation variable; this article argues that for SNS and SPS "compliance", for DSS and DS "identification" variable offers a more comprehensive causal explanation.

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