This paper offers a comparative study of land use and demographic development in northern and southern Greece from the Neolithic to the Byzantine period. Results from summed probability densities (SPD) of archaeological radiocarbon dates and settlement numbers derived from archaeological site surveys are combined with results from cluster-based analysis of published pollen core assemblages to offer an integrated view of human pressure on the Greek landscape through time. We demonstrate that SPDs offer a useful approach to outline differences between regions and a useful complement to archaeological site surveys, evaluated here especially for the onset of the Neolithic and for the Final Neolithic (FN)/Early Bronze Age (EBA) transition. Pollen analysis highlight differences in vegetation between the two sub-regions, but also several parallel changes. The comparison of land cover dynamics between two sub-regions of Greece further demonstrates the significance of the bioclimatic conditions of core locations and that apparent oppositions between regions may in fact be two sides of the same coin in terms of socio-ecological trajectories. We also assess the balance between anthropogenic and climate-related impacts on vegetation and suggest that climatic variability was as an important factor for vegetation regrowth. Finally, our evidence suggests that the impact of humans on land cover is amplified from the Late Bronze Age (LBA) onwards as more extensive herding and agricultural practices are introduced.

This paper compares pollen spectra derived from modified Tauber traps and moss samples from a selection of woodland types from Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Georgia, Greece, Poland, Switzerland and Wales. The study examines the representation of individual taxa in the two sampling media and aims to ascertain the duration of pollen deposition captured by a moss. The latter aim was pursued through the calculation of dissimilarity indexes to assess how many years of pollen deposited in a pollen trap yield percentage values that are most similar to those obtained from the moss. The results are broadly scattered; the majority of moss samples being most similar to several years of pollen deposition in the adjacent trap. 123Veget Hist Archaeobot (2010) 19:271-283 DOI 10.1007/s00334-010-0258-y 2 years of pollen deposition in the trap also revealed large differences. There is a tendency for bisaccate grains such as Pinus and Picea to have a higher representation in moss than in traps but there is considerable regional variation. The results indicate that pollen proportions from moss samples often represent the pollen deposition of one area over several years. However, bisaccate pollen grains tend to be over-represented in moss samples compared to both pollen traps and, potentially, lake sediments.

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Detailed knowledge about the history of vegetation, fire and land use is scarce in Northern Greece. We analysed lake sediments from Limni Zazari (Northern Greece) to reconstruct the past local vegetation and fire history with a special focus on land use and its impacts on erosion and lake eutrophication. Our data suggest a rather dense steppic vegetation after ca 20,000 cal bp (18050 cal bc). Forest expansion with Pinus sylvestris and admixed Quercus pubescens started around 14,500 cal bp (12550 cal bc). After the onset of the Holocene, mixed deciduous sub-mediterranean oak forests expanded, accompanied by rapidly decreasing soil erosion rates and increasing aquatic biological productivity. Pollen of cereals and Plantago lanceolata suggests continuous farming activities in the region after 8,200 cal bp (6250 cal bc), in agreement with archaeological evidence. Fairly closed mixed pine-oak forests dominated the landscape until ca 3,500 cal bp (1550 cal bc) that were only temporarily reduced during the Neolithic around 7,100 and 6,500 cal bp (5150 and 4550 cal bc). Land cover changes and aquatic biogeochemistry were closely linked during this period. Forest phases corresponded to lake eutrophication and hypolimnetic anoxia (meromixis), whereas during periods of deforestation (e.g. around 8,200 cal bp/6250 cal bc) soil erosion rates and lake mixing increased, while aquatic productivity decreased. After 3,500 cal bp (1550 cal bc) humans disrupted forests and open land vegetation expanded (e.g. Artemisia, Rumex-type, Cichorioideae, Chenopodiaceae). With the onset of the Iron Age (ca. 3,050 cal bp/1100 cal bc) grassland communities expanded massively and pine-oak forests gradually declined. Anthropogenic pressure on forests increased even more during the past 500 years. Finally, forest recovery during the recent decades led to decreased erosion and increased lake productivity. We conclude that over the millennia, intense pastoral and arable activities shaped both aquatic and terrestrial environments, ultimately creating a humanized vegetation mosaic in which the original natural mixed deciduous oak forests only form relict stands. Future climate warming and decreasing anthropogenic pressure may release a rapid spread of mixed deciduous oak forests around Limni Zazari.

The Black Death (1347–1352 ce) is the most renowned pandemic in human history, believed by many to have killed half of Europe’s population. However, despite advances in ancient DNA research that conclusively identified the pandemic’s causative agent (bacterium Yersinia pestis), our knowledge of the Black Death remains limited, based primarily on qualitative remarks in medieval written sources available for some areas of Western Europe. Here, we remedy this situation by applying a pioneering new approach, ‘big data palaeoecology’, which, starting from palynological data, evaluates the scale of the Black Death’s mortality on a regional scale across Europe. We collected pollen data on landscape change from 261 radiocarbon-dated coring sites (lakes and wetlands) located across 19 modern-day European countries. We used two independent methods of analysis to evaluate whether the changes we see in the landscape at the time of the Black Death agree with the hypothesis that a large portion of the population, upwards of half, died within a few years in the 21 historical regions we studied. While we can confirm that the Black Death had a devastating impact in some regions, we found that it had negligible or no impact in others. These inter-regional differences in the Black Death’s mortality across Europe demonstrate the significance of cultural, ecological, economic, societal and climatic factors that mediated the dissemination and impact of the disease. The complex interplay of these factors, along with the historical ecology of plague, should be a focus of future research on historical pandemics.