ÖZET THE ANALYZING OF THE NAGORNO KARABAKH CONFLICT IN THE CONTEXT OF SECURITIZATION THEORY ABSTRACT The Nagorno Karabakh conflict, based on a long history, is one of the conflicts that has become a hot conflict in the old-Soviet territory following to the dissolution of the USSR. It is seen as a territorial conflict because of the war, erupted between Azerbaijan and Armenia due to control over the Nagorno Karabakh autonomous region, attached to Azerbaijan Republic. Therefore the focal point of all the solution proposals aimed at solving the problem has become land-sharing by now. However, these efforts have not resulted in a positive outcome because they have failed to notice the main reasons of the problem, and also the hot conflict between the parties has gained momentum again in recent years. So revealing of the main reasons of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict is crucial for finding a permanent solution to it. As we can see in Nagorno Karabakh example all the territorial based conflicts located in post-Soviet area depend on identity based discordance which was triggered by migration policy implemented by Russian Empire and USSR periods. At this pointSocial Security, which is one of the sub-sectors inside the securitization theory and examines the possible effects of the threats such as " immigration", "horizontal competition", "vertical competition" and "declining of the population" on reference objects as "identity", "religion" and "gender", is a practical tool for studying conflicts of post-Soviet area such as Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the main objective of the Securitization Theory is to solve the problem by negotiations in the normal political process (called as de-securitization), the poor analysis of fundamental threats, lying under the problem, caused the securitization of the problem consistently and this situation has prevented the opportunity of analyzing it in normal political process by negotiations.

The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) is considered based on its ethnocultural, religious, and historical diversity. In its national security documents, known as the White Paper, China associates the region with extremism, separatism, and terrorism; and thus recognizes the Uyghurs as a threat. At the crossroads of OBOR's (One Belt One Road) three separate land corridors, Xinjiang, which has a crucial place in Beijing's hegemony-building process, is a region regarded critical from a geopolitical and geo-economics perspective. In this context, Beijing securitizes the Uyghurs, with whom China claims that its own values, political goals, and perception of the future are not compatible, from the "threat" point of view. This approach can also be interpreted through the conceptual elements envisaged by the Copenhagen School, such as immigration waves, horizontal and vertical competition, and depopulation.

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Eurasianism, which is a movement of idea that emerged in time of crisis in Russia, gained influence in the Russian political thought at the end of the 1980s, when the USSR began to give signs of collapse. This understanding, which is called as New Eurasianism, has started to be mentioned with Alexander Dugin, who has made his voice heard outside of Russia and who has ability to direct Russian political elite. Essentially, Dugin's idea of Eurasianism is based on the competition between "land" and "sea" powers, which he borrowed from Mackinder. Dugin, who claims that this competition has came into existence in the rivalry between Russia and the USA today, has argued that the formation of a Eurasian Empire, where Russian Empire take place in its center, is vital to gain the upper hand in this struggle. Although Dugin pointed out that Turkey was an important threat to Eurasianism project in his book titled as "Russian Geopolitics", which he wrote at the end of 1990s, he has begun to mention to include Turkey to Eurasianism as a partner in the following process. However, historical geopolitical competition between the two countries, which expressed repeatedly by Dugin himself, stands as an obstacle in front of this partnership.

Öz Kapitalist sistemin çok ciddi iç çelişkilere sahip olmasına rağmen nasıl ayakta kaldığını analiz ettiği çalışması Hapishane Defterleri ile ulusal bir hegemonya anlayışı ortaya koyan Gramsci'nin fikirleri Neo-Gramşiyan düşünürler tarafından uluslararası sisteme de uyarlanarak, küresel hegemonyanın temellerinin ortaya konulması için de kullanılmıştır. Hegemonyanın 16. yüzyılda dünyanın ilk kapitalist devleti olarak görülen Birleşik Eyaletler ile başladığı kabul edilmektedir. Zaman içerisinde ise 19. yüzyılda Birleşik Krallık'a ardından da İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında ABD'ye geçtiği iddia edilmektedir. Ancak Soğuk Savaş'ın ardından iki kutuplu dünya düzeninin sona ermesinin yol açtığı kriz ortamının tetiklediği ekonomik gerileyişin, 2008 küresel mali kriziyle zirveye çıkması, Amerika'nın hegemonyasının daha yüksek sesle sorgulanmasına neden olmuştur. Bunda 1976'da Mao'nun vefatının ardından uygulamaya konulan piyasa temelli reformların sağladığı yüksek büyüme hızının 2000'li yılların başından itibaren Çin'i önemli bir ekonomik güç haline getirerek, ABD'ye rakip olarak ortaya çıkarmasının da önemli bir rolü vardır. Bu durum Amerika'nın gerileyişiyle de birleşince Çin'in dünyanın yeni hegemon gücü olduğu yönünde söylemlerin gündeme gelmesine neden olmuştur. Ancak Neo-Gramşiyan perspektiften değerlendirildiğinde bir devletin küresel manada hegemon olabilmesi için yönlendirici bir ekonomik sisteminin, bu sisteme uygun sosyo-kültürel ve politik üstyapısının ve bu değerleri tüm dünyaya yaymak için kurguladığı bir uluslararası örgütler ağının bulunması gerekmektedir.