No abstract

A globális világ ingatagsága a 2008-2009 közötti világméretű pénzügyi-gazdasági válságban vált rövid idő alatt "köztudottá", majd a részben ahhoz kapcsolódó tömeges állam-és kontinensközi migráció 2010 után elmélyítette a válságtudatot. Donald Trump amerikai elnök a Kína elleni kereskedelmi és technológiai háború "bejelentésével" minden tekintetben nemzeti hatalmi céllá tette a globalizáció elleni küzdelmet, az USA érdekeinek a védelmét. Az "Amerika az első" elnöki programkitűzés követőkre talált, rövid időn belül sok politikai elit számára saját országa lett az első és legfontosabb. (Egyes esetekben szinte kizárólagos.) A bezárkózás így a "nagypolitika" szintjén már a vírusjárvány előtt elkezdődött, szinte mindenre kiterjedően megjelent, annak csak része lett a "falak, kerítések építése". Az Európai Unióban jelentős kihívás a nemzeti érdekek és az integrált fejlődés szempontjainak összehangolása. Kutatásaink során az egyik fő kérdés annak

The background of the current research is that despite the existence of a vast amount of literature devoted to the study of post-socialist transition processes, there is a relative scarcity of international comparative analyses on Central and Southeast European metropolises. The research seeks to explore FDI-driven transformation and development processes in Central and Southeast European regional centres in the posttransition period. The geographical focus of the analysis is limited to Central and Southeast European postsocialist states, while the scale of the analysis targets the metropolitan and regional level. The present study provides a brief summary of the first phase of the research constituted by literature review.

The concept of territorial capital, presented by the authors as an alternative to exogenous, FDI-driven economic restructuring strategies, has fertilised regional development policy thinking in multiple ways. Triggering reflections on the bottom-up reconceptualisation of regional policy, it has a particular salience in peripheral or lagging regions due to its potential to reverse deeply-entrenched core-periphery relations. The paper discusses the concept of territorial capital with a view to its policy embeddedness and academic valorisation. The structure of the paper is as follows. The first section presents the theoretical antecedents and conceptual evolution of the notion of territorial capital. This is followed by a brief discussion of the relevance of territorial capital in non-core or peripheral Central European contexts. The concluding section seeks to identify the main obstacles to collaborative and integrated strategy-making relying on the territorial capital approach in the case study city of Pécs, demonstrating its crucial absence from post-2000 top-down regional development programmes.

The objective of the study is to present the main features of Hungarian-Croatian political relations and cross-border co-operations with a focus on the past 25 years. The study will discuss the various eras and specifics of Hungarian-Croatian political relations, the features of the borderland and cross-border relations, the spatial structural and infrastructural bases of the co-operation and the hard and soft factors of relations. The maintenance of the historically rooted relations -eight centuries of personal union, a rare example of a millennium of peaceful coexistence in Central Eastern Europe is more or less visible. Notwithstanding, coexistence between the two nationalities did not transcend the religious and cultural sphere, in most respects they only shared a common territory with each other. During the past 25 years, both Hungary and Croatia have witnessed a profound change in their perception of borders and neighbourhood relations. A new period began with Croatia becoming an autonomous state, the era of state-building characterised by inward orientation. Croatia has embarked on the road towards Euro-Atlantic Integration as a symbol of its new orientation at the turn of the millennium, which exerted a strong impact on the perception of borders and effective co-operation, while there has been a gradual deepening of Hungarian-Croatian relations. A period was concluded with the EU accession of Croatia, henceforth co-operations are established between two EU member states. This, however, does not imply positive practices in all cases. The MOL-INA affair transcending the internal corporate sphere severely damaged interstate political relations, deteriorating further with the 2015 refugee crisis.