No abstract.

This paper develops the differential-based semantics of comparatives, arguing that no generalized quantifier-type degree operator is involved in Japanese comparatives, and the yori ‘than’-clause introduces a degree variable, which is dynamically bound by the existential quantifier associated with a dif- ferential in the main clause. This approach accounts for the Japanese stacking comparative such as ‘A is fat(ter) than B is fat than C is fat(ter) than D is fat than E is fat(ter) than D is fat,’ meaning [the difference between A’s fatness and B’s fatness] > [the difference between C’s fatness and D’s fatness] > [the difference between E’s fatness and F’s fatness].

No abstract