10. The Russian partitive and verbal aspect

Paykin, Katia

doi:10.1515/9783110346060.379

Cited by 5 publications

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“…Interestingly, this opposition interacts with verbal aspect (Paykin 2014). While for the opposition in (1) the perfective verb vypit' 'to drink' is used, allowing for both an accusative and a genitive/partitive object, the corresponding imperfective verb pit' 'to be drinking' in affirmative, not habitual examples, normally combines only with an accusative object.…”

Section: The Opposition Between Partitive Genitive and Accusative Inmentioning

confidence: 99%

Partitivity in Slavic-Romance language contact: The case of Molise Slavic in Italy

Breu

2020

Linguistics

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Molise Slavic is a south Slavic micro-language, spoken in three municipalities in the Italian region of Molise. It has been in a situation of total language contact with Romance varieties for about 500 years, with strong foreign influence on all linguistic levels. This paper is intended as a contribution to two combined fields of linguistics: contact linguistics and the expression of partitivity in Slavic in different settings. The paper opens with a short description of the position of the (morphological) partitive case in Russian, followed by a comparison of the role of case in expressing partitive objects in Russian, Croatian and Molise Slavic. The subsequent section will deal with other means of rendering pure and ablativic partitivity in Italian as the dominant model language and in the Molise Slavic replica, in particular with respect to the similarities and differences in existential constructions. Special attention will be paid to the Italian partitive particle ne and its formal and functional equivalents in Molise Slavic, including the particle na/ne, partitive personal pronouns, quantifiers, the genitive and the role of intonation and word order. Finally we will test various hypotheses about the origin of the particle na/ne, whose formal variation in one of the Molise Slavic dialects causes serious problems for both loanword integration and semantic calquing.

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Section: The Opposition Between Partitive Genitive and Accusative Inmentioning

confidence: 99%

Partitivity in Slavic-Romance language contact: The case of Molise Slavic in Italy

Breu

2020

Linguistics

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The independent partitive genitive in Lithuanian

Seržant¹

2014

Valency, Argument Realization and Grammatical Relations in Baltic

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The aim of the paper is to give a semantic description of the independent or bare partitive genitive (IPG) in Lithuanian in rather neutral, functional terms. The IPG is a multi-faceted category that bears on the domains of quantification and (in)definiteness. On its quantificational reading, the IPG encodes an implicit quantifier, arbitrary in its value. I have used the notion of (un)boundedness (re-)introduced in Paul Kiparsky’s (1998) seminal paper on the partitive case in Finnish. NP-internally, the IPG has two main readings: unbounded and bounded reading. The first reading provides the concept of the participant rather than ‘zooming in’ on particular instantiations. It is extremely weak referentially, probably the weakest option available in Lithuanian. This reading is restricted to those verbs in Lithuanian that allow their arguments to be kind-referring NPs (e.g., the subject of the existential to be, or object of to know). On the bounded reading, in turn, the IPG encodes an undetermined but delimited set, the reading is existential and resembles indefinite plurals. The individuals introduced by this reading are stored in the discourse model and may be picked up by anaphoric pronouns in the following discourse. They never constitute primary or foregrounded information of the message, though. Furthermore, I have claimed that the incremental-theme verbs and verbs of transfer in East Lithuanian interact with the IPG-marked object with respect to their aspectual properties. Here only the bounded reading of the IPG is available. This explains the ban on the occurrence of IPG in imperfective contexts in Lithuanian (such as progressive, which has no grammatical marking in Lithuanian, generic and iterated atelics) with incremental-theme verbs, because the imperfective interpretation induces an inherently unbounded event which is not compatible with the bounded reading of the IPG. Both bounded and unbounded values are assumed to be originally two different readings of the same implicit quantifier that have, however, acquired different distributions in the course of time.

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Contact-induced change in the languages of Europe: The rise and development of partitive cases and determiners in Finnic and Basque

2020

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This paper explores the hypothesis of contact-induced change for the rise of the partitive case in Finnic languages and of the partitive case/determiner in Basque. On the basis of the well-established Indo-European partitive-genitive case and taking into account the lack of such a basis on the Uralic side, we argue that the partitive case in Finnic languages has arisen as a result of Balto-Slavic influence. Concerning the Basque partitive determiner, we likewise suggest a contact scenario (with Romance languages) as being responsible for the development of an entire system of determiners, including the definite and possibly the indefinite article as well as the partitive marker, which originates in an old ablative ending but crucially lacks the morphological properties characteristic of Basque inflectional markers.

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10. The Russian partitive and verbal aspect

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Partitivity in Slavic-Romance language contact: The case of Molise Slavic in Italy

Partitivity in Slavic-Romance language contact: The case of Molise Slavic in Italy

The independent partitive genitive in Lithuanian

Contact-induced change in the languages of Europe: The rise and development of partitive cases and determiners in Finnic and Basque

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