Accent &amp; Syllable Structure in Passamaquoddy

LeSourd, Philip S.

doi:10.4324/9781315046785

Cited by 18 publications

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“…However, later research has questioned the empirical status of tertiary stress in these languages, weakening the arguments for cola (e.g. LeSourd 1993, Siptár & Törkenczy 2000).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The binary-to-ternary rhythmic continuum in stress typology: layered feet and non-intervention constraints

Martínez-Paricio

Kager

2015

Phonology

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This article presents a novel OT analysis of ternary rhythm, using the restrictive format of McCarthy (2003)'s categorical alignment constraints, which we will refer to as ‘non-intervention constraints’, using the terminology of Ellison (1994), and argues for the rehabilitation of internally layered feet in metrical representations (i.e. feet with one layer of recursion). By means of a computer-generated factorial typology, we demonstrate that the constraint set proposed here generates the full typology of binary and ternary rhythm. The resulting typology suggests that there is no absolute boundary between binary and ternary systems; rather, a continuum emerges, such that binary and ternary feet may coexist in rhythmic stress systems.

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“…However, later research has questioned the empirical status of tertiary stress in these languages, weakening the arguments for cola (e.g. LeSourd 1993, Siptár & Törkenczy 2000).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The binary-to-ternary rhythmic continuum in stress typology: layered feet and non-intervention constraints

Martínez-Paricio

Kager

2015

Phonology

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“…As shown in (2), unpredicted clusters of three (2a-c) or four (2d) consonants can occur. Consider (2b), which has two unpredicted clusters, [kft] The Algonquian literature distinguishes between these predicted and unpredicted clusters by claiming that the former are true underlying (primary) clusters and the latter are derived (secondary) clusters that form when a short unstressed vowel in an underlying CVC sequence is deleted (for Western Cree, see Pentland 1979, Wolfart 1996 for Eastern Cree, see MacKenzie 1982; for Maliseet-Passamaquoddy, see Teeter 1971, Sherwood 1983, LeSourd 1993 for Ojibwe, see Rhodes 1976a, Rhodes and Todd 1981, Valentine 1996. This analysis is supported by the NE Cree writing system, which includes the "deleted" vowel in the spelling of secondary clusters and does not have a vowel in primary clusters.…”

Section: Syllable Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Cree, and Algonquian languages in general, are described as having two kinds of consonant clusters: primary and secondary (for Western Cree, see Pentland 1979, Wolfart 1996; for Eastern Cree, see MacKenzie 1982; for Maliseet-Passamaquoddy, see Teeter 1971, Sherwood 1983, LeSourd 1993 for Ojibwe, see Rhodes 1976a, Rhodes and Todd 1981, Valentine 1996. In general, primary clusters occur word-medially, with restrictions on the first consonant of the cluster (e.g., it must be a coda consonant) and secondary clusters are "derived" clusters that occur when an intervening vowel is deleted.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Vowel devocalization in Northern East Cree

Knee

2014

Can. J. Linguist.

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Derived clusters in Northern East (NE) Cree are traditionally assumed to result from the deletion of an intervening vowel. I propose, rather, that they arise from vowel devocalization, a process involving gradient vowel shortening or weakening. First, I demonstrate the compelling similarity between the process leading to derived clusters in NE Cree and vowel devocalization in non-Algonquian languages. Second, I show that consonants in NE Cree derived clusters display phonetic lengthening, one of the phonetic correlates accompanying vowel devocalization. I suggest that the gestures of these lengthened consonants overlap the vowel to the point that it is not perceived

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“… 5 For a description of Passamaquoddy, see LeSourd (1993), for Suruwaha, Everett (1996), and for Maranungku, Tryon (1970). …”

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confidence: 99%

“…For a description of Passamaquoddy, seeLeSourd (1993), for Suruwaha,Everett (1996), and for Maranungku,Tryon (1970). 6 For a description of Garawa, seeFurby (1974), and for Piro,Matteson (1965).…”

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confidence: 99%

The odd-parity input problem in metrical stress theory

Hyde

2012

Phonology

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Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0952675712000218How to cite this article: Brett Hyde (2012). The odd-parity input problem in metrical stress theory.Under the weak layering approach to prosodic structure (Itô & Mester 1992), the requirement that output forms be exhaustively parsed into binary feet, even when the input contains an odd-number of syllables, results in the ODD-PARITY INPUT PROBLEM, which consists of two sub-problems. The ODD HEAVY PROBLEM is a pathological type of quantity-sensitivity where a single odd-numbered heavy syllable in an odd-parity output is parsed as a monosyllabic foot. The EVEN OUTPUT PROBLEM is the systematic conversion of odd-parity inputs to even-parity outputs. The article examines the typology of binary stress patterns predicted by two approaches, symmetrical alignment (McCarthy & Prince 1993) and iterative foot optimisation (Pruitt 2008(Pruitt , 2010, to demonstrate that the odd-parity input problem is pervasive in weak layering accounts. It then demonstrates that the odd-parity input problem can be avoided altogether under the alternative structural assumptions of weak bracketing (Hyde 2002).

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Accent & Syllable Structure in Passamaquoddy

Cited by 18 publications

References 0 publications

The binary-to-ternary rhythmic continuum in stress typology: layered feet and non-intervention constraints

The binary-to-ternary rhythmic continuum in stress typology: layered feet and non-intervention constraints

Vowel devocalization in Northern East Cree

The odd-parity input problem in metrical stress theory

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