Objective. This article's aim is to test the impact of black political and bureaucratic representation on the rate at which blacks are arrested for order maintenance violations in U.S. cities. Methods. Using data from the Law Enforcement Management and Administration Survey, the Census Bureau, and the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, for all U.S. cities over 100,000 population, the article first documents the continuing influence of black elected officials in promoting black representation on police forces. After establishing the appropriateness of order maintenance policing as a follow-up focus, the article then tests hypotheses that link variation in the rate of black order maintenance arrests to black political and bureaucratic representation, contingent upon form of government. Results. Black political representation does constrain black order maintenance arrests, while black representation on the police force does not. Conclusion. Even with a more racially representative police force in place, black political representation is what matters in constraining controversial patterns of police practice.There is a relatively strong consensus that when it comes to policing, the representation of African Americans in elected office matters-at least for some aspects of policing. Early research on this was initiated decades ago by scholars attentive to the emergence of black mayors in America-black mayors with agendas shaped by the problematic relationship between police and the black community in many cities. Scholars found that the presence of a black mayor (Saltzstein, 1989) or the "political incorporation" of blacks via election of a black mayor and inclusion of black members on a city council's dominant coalition (Browning, Marshall, and Tabb, 1984) positively affected black employment on the police force; black representation in local political office was also found to be a very important predictor of the adoption of civilian review boards with meaningful powers to investigate citizen complaints (Saltzstein, 1989;Browning, Marshall, and Tabb, 1984).Nor are these foundational studies historically context-bound. Noting that early research on the impact of black mayors focuses on the limited number of cities having them prior to the mid-1980s and that the first wave of big-city *