Amahuaca ergative as agreement with multiple heads

Clem, Emily

doi:10.1007/s11049-018-9431-2

Cited by 12 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 31 publications

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“…Amahuaca, a Panoan language spoken in the Peruvian Amazon, shows morphologically and lexically conditioned truncation (Clem 2019: 13). Amahuaca has a three-way case system.…”

Section: Other Cases Of Doubly Conditioned Phonologymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Other trisyllabic roots, and roots of other shapes, do not undergo truncation (36b). The root-final syllable in non-accusative contexts is not predictable from the form or semantics of the accusative form, thus an analysis of truncation in accusative contexts rather than insertion or allomorphy in non-accusative contexts is adopted (see Clem 2019: 12–13 for further discussion).

…”

Section: Other Cases Of Doubly Conditioned Phonologymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Morphologically conditioned phonology with two triggers

Sande

2020

Phonology

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Morphologically conditioned phonology, where a particular phonological alternation or requirement holds only for a subset of lexical items or in a subset of morphological contexts, is well documented. This paper expands on the literature by examining phonological alternations where two independent triggering morphemes must both be present for a phonological alternation to apply. Several cases of doubly morphologically conditioned phonological alternations, from a diverse set of languages, are described. The existence of morphologically conditioned phonology with two triggers informs our models of the interface between morphology and phonology, in that phonological operations must be able to reference the presence of more than one morpheme simultaneously. A range of possible analyses are considered, including those set in Stratal OT, Indexed Constraint Theory, Cophonology Theory and Cophonologies by Phase Theory. A Cophonologies by Phase account is found to be optimal, where multiple morpheme-specific phonological requirements accumulate and co-trigger alternations within a single spell-out domain.

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“…Amahuaca, a Panoan language spoken in the Peruvian Amazon, shows morphologically and lexically conditioned truncation (Clem 2019: 13). Amahuaca has a three-way case system.…”

Section: Other Cases Of Doubly Conditioned Phonologymentioning

confidence: 99%

…”

Section: Other Cases Of Doubly Conditioned Phonologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Morphologically conditioned phonology with two triggers

Sande

2020

Phonology

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“…3 I use C as a label of convenience. This projection has properties of Rizzi's (1997) Force but also of Focus, as narrow-focused constituents move to its specifier (Clem 2019b). For the purpose of the current analysis, it is not crucial which head in the left periphery is lexicalized by Amahuaca =mun.…”

mentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Notice in ( 7) that aspect (along with the verb) appears in a sentence-medial position to the left of the subject. The object can also follow aspect and must appear to the right of the subject when it does so (Clem 2019b). 7 Adjuncts cannot follow aspect.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Disharmony and the Final-Over-Final Condition in Amahuaca

Clem

2022

Linguistic Inquiry

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The Final-Over-Final Condition (FOFC) rules out head-final projections that immediately dominate head-initial projections. Syntactically inert particles are known to show (apparent) exceptions to FOFC. However, Biberauer (2017) argues that seemingly FOFC-violating particles are compliant with a version of FOFC that is relativized to heads within an extended projection (Biberauer, Holmberg, and Roberts 2014). I present novel data from Amahuaca (Panoan; Peru) in which FOFC is violated by TAM particles within the verbal extended projection. I argue that this FOFC violation cannot be explained by the mechanisms proposed by Biberauer (2017). Instead, a view of FOFC grounded in restrictions on rightward dependencies (Cecchetto 2013; Zeijlstra 2016) predicts the type of exception found in Amahuaca.

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Agreement and the Realization of Arguments

Yuan,

Tyler

2023

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Morphology

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Agreement is a grammatical phenomenon whereby the form of a morpheme or word co‐varies with the morphosyntactic properties of another word or phrase, typically a noun. Although agreement is, by definition, conditioned by the ϕ‐features (e.g. person, number, gender features) of a noun, a broader survey of cross‐linguistic patterns reveals that the surface realization of a noun may similarly have an effect on agreement, even when its ϕ‐features are kept constant. Focusing on noun–verb agreement dependencies, we provide several case studies that illustrate this idea and we show that the relevant factors range from a noun's morphological case to its structural position. Although in many cases these effects may be analysed in purely syntactic terms – that is, they are derivable from conditions on the syntactic process that underlies agreement – we also highlight cross‐linguistic patterns that seem to involve non‐structural factors.

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Amahuaca ergative as agreement with multiple heads

Cited by 12 publications

References 31 publications

Morphologically conditioned phonology with two triggers

Morphologically conditioned phonology with two triggers

Disharmony and the Final-Over-Final Condition in Amahuaca

Agreement and the Realization of Arguments

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