Cambridge Concise Histories

Beller, Steven

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511989940.011

Cited by 3 publications

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“…Compliance of Austrians with the Nazi regime was portrayed as forced. 31 Austria was thus not responsible for the deeds of the Nazis. hence, acceptance of the Opfermythos as reality by the Allies would bring many advantages to post-war Austria.…”

Section: Aspirations Of the Austrian Government To Deport The Expelleesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The Fate of Ethnic German Expellees in Post-War Austria

Schippmann

2022

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“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The Fate of Ethnic German Expellees in Post-War AustriaThe large influx of ethnic Germans from the East into Germany at the end of the Second World War is a well-known and researched fact. However, there were also about 300,000–632,000 expellees that ended up in post-war Austria. In contrast to Germany, Austria was not required by the Potsdam Agreement to take them in and consequently advocated their deportation. It was not only the financial burden associated with the expellees but also Austria’s aim to convince the Allies of the “victim myth” that motivated Austria to favour deportation over integration. Taking in ethnic German expellees would highlight Austria’s close past with Germany and could even be perceived as an acceptance of legal succession of the Third Reich. The Allies initially supported Austria’s decision but except for a large number of deportations in 1946 the plan was not carried to its conclusion. Around 350,000 expellees were able to remain in Austria. However, the fact that they were not granted equal rights in all areas until 1971 shows they were not welcome in Austria for a long time. „Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: Los przesiedlonej ludności niemieckiej w powojennej AustriiFakt, że pod koniec drugiej wojny światowej do Niemiec licznie napływali ze wschodu etniczni Niemcy, jest dobrze znany i zbadany. Jednak od około 300 000 do 632 000 przesiedlonych trafiło także do powojennej Austrii. Na Austrii, inaczej niż na Niemczech, nie ciążył nałożony w tzw. deklaracji poczdamskiej obowiązek ich przyjęcia, wobec czego Austria opowiedziała się za ich deportacją. Z przyjęciem przesiedleńców wiązały się dla niej ciężary finansowe, ale nie tylko: Austria chciała też przekonać aliantów do swego „mitu ofiary”. Austriacy przychylali się raczej do deportacji, a nie do integracji. Przyjęcie niemieckich przesiedlonych rzucałoby nowe światło na ścisłe związki Austrii z Niemcami w przeszłości, a nawet mogłoby być postrzegane jako akceptacja sukcesji prawnej po Trzeciej Rzeszy. Alianci początkowo popierali stanowisko Austrii w tej sprawie. Jednak pominąwszy liczniejsze deportacje, jakie miały miejsce w roku 1946, plany nie zostały urzeczywistnione. Około 350 000 przesiedlonym pozwolono pozostać w Austrii. Niemniej fakt, że nie przyznawano im równych praw we wszystkich sferach życia aż do roku 1971, świadczy o tym, iż przez długi czas nie byli oni w tym kraju dobrze widziani.

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Section: Aspirations Of the Austrian Government To Deport The Expelleesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The Fate of Ethnic German Expellees in Post-War Austria

Schippmann

2022

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“…What made the population’s empathetic responses notable was its juxtaposition with the conflict that increasingly characterized political and nationalist rhetoric among segments of the monarchy’s different language groups (Barany 1994 ; Wingfield 2003 ; Beller 2008 ). 8 After the monarchy’s collapse in 1918, emerging nation-states magnified nationalist narratives that emphasized differences, particularly between the German and Hungarian-speaking regions of the monarchy (Jászi 1929 ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Forged in the Floods: Transnational Networks in the Habsburg Monarchy

Mevissen

2020

Water Hist

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Riparian communities in the Habsburg monarchy experienced perennial flooding with tragedy often eliciting heroics and generosity. What made these empathetic responses even more admirable was their juxtaposition with the antipathy that nationalist groups expressed in the political realm in the monarchy’s final decades. Studying government and public responses to flooding in the nineteenth century demonstrates the critical link between empire and environment which forged transnational communities through floods of adversity, charity and cooperation. As this paper is part of a special issue, Water History in the time of COVID-19, it has undergone modified peer review.

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“…Following steps toward "de-Nazification" during the early post-war years, later amnesties were part of a for decades largely unproblematized re-absorption of former Nazis into the fabric of Austrian society. 16 The two major political parties, the Social Democrats (SPÖ) and the People's Party (ÖVP), had a stake in speaking to all segments of society, as part of their post-war politics of Proporz and consensual democracy. 17 At the same time, parts of the "third camp", often compromised through previously closer ideological and organizational entanglements with Nazism, were soon re-organized: initially through the Verband der Unabhängigen and, as of 1956, through the FPÖ as its successor.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“Ibizagate”: Capturing a Political Field in Flux

Karner

2021

Austrian Hist Yearbk

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The “Ibiza affair,” a succession of scandals triggered by undercover recordings of the FPÖ's former head, Heinz-Christian Strache, in compromising discussions with a purported Russian oligarch's niece has profoundly altered Austria's political landscape and public debates. This article offers a historically contextualized analysis of the multiple voices and competing truth claims articulated by diverse actors in the course of the scandal's fallout. Empirically, this discussion offers a systematic analysis of political and media discourses focused on “Ibiza” between May 2019 and June 2020. Conceptually, the argument builds on Michel Foucault's approach outlined in I, Pierre Rivière and its subsequent applications within nationalism studies. This analysis thus examines data through the questions as to who speaks about the event in question, how they do so, what is being claimed and disputed, and which political strategies and trajectories this enables. The competing, partly shifting positions revealed are the following: Strache's initial regret that soon turned to a self-ascribed “victim-cum-martyr” status; the FPÖ's distancing and eventual rupture from its long-standing Bundesparteiobmann; the Kronen Zeitung's attempted ideological repositioning; the ÖVP's need and opportunity to shift its positions vis-à-vis its political competitors; and critical voices calling for far-reaching structural changes. With the full facts behind the scandal still to be established, the (post-Foucauldian) approach applied here captures the contestations, (new) fault lines, and (shifting) political boundaries constitutive of a discursive field in a crisis context.

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Cambridge Concise Histories

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The Fate of Ethnic German Expellees in Post-War Austria

“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The Fate of Ethnic German Expellees in Post-War Austria

Forged in the Floods: Transnational Networks in the Habsburg Monarchy

“Ibizagate”: Capturing a Political Field in Flux

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