Categorial shift via aspect and gender change in deverbal nouns

Iordăchioaia, Gianina; Werner, Martina

doi:10.1016/j.langsci.2018.08.011

Cited by 13 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…In a comparable scenario, Iordȃchioaia and Werner (2019) argue that the suffix -ing, which in Old English productively formed Ref-Ns and stative nominalizations, was pushed towards the event domain by the emerging Latinate suffixes, which were borrowed with a result meaning component from French during Middle English.…”

Section: Argument Realization In P-znsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(24) a. their bailing out/bailout of the banks b. the counsel's overriding/override of the veto It is well-known that ing-of is the most productive pattern of derived nominals in English. The only restriction that it shows is with stative verbs and result states (Asher 1993:167, Alexiadou et al 2013, Iordȃchioaia and Werner 2019cf. Borer 2013:168-169).…”

Section: Argument Realization In P-znsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Event structure and argument realization in English zero-derived nominals with particles

Iordăchioaia

2020

NLY

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This paper is concerned with the morphosyntax of deverbal zero-derived nominals (e.g., to climb > a climb), which have received much less attention in the literature than suffix-based nominals (cf. the climb-ing, the examin-ation, the assign-ment). In the generative literature, in particular, after Grimshaw’s (1990) seminal work on suffix-based nominals and their possibility to inherit verbal event and argument structure, zero-derived nouns have been claimed to lack such properties: e.g., in syntax-based models of word formation, which take argument realization in deverbal nouns to indicate the inheritance of functional structure from the base verb, they have been analyzed as derived not from a verb but from an uncategorized root, as implemented in Borer (2013). Following Rappaport-Hovav and Levin’s (1998) theory of event structure and argument realization, I investigate zero-derived nouns built from verbs with preposed and postposed particles and show that they may realize argument structure on their event readings, which can only come about from the event structure of their base verbs.

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Section: Argument Realization In P-znsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Argument Realization In P-znsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Event structure and argument realization in English zero-derived nominals with particles

Iordăchioaia

2020

NLY

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“…Brinton (1995) suggests as well that -ing nominalizations prefer activity verbs. Alexiadou (2001) and Borer (2013) suggest that accomplishments and achievements (that is, telic verbs) disprefer -ing nominalizations, although Iordachioaia & Werner (2019) disagree on this point.…”

Section: Literature Review and Research Questionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The semantics of conversion nouns and -ing nominalizations: A quantitative and theoretical perspective

Lieber¹,

Plag²

2021

J. Ling.

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This paper addresses a fundamental problem of derivational morphology: which meanings are possible for the words of a given morphological category, which forms can be chosen to express a given meaning, and what is the role of the base in these mappings of form and meaning? In a broad empirical study we examine the extent to which two types of nominalizations in English – conversion nouns and -ing nominalizations – can express either eventive or referential readings, can be quantified as either count or mass, and can be based on verbs of particular aspectual classes (state, activity, accomplishment, achievement, semelfactive). Past literature (for example, Grimshaw 1990 Brinton 1995, 1998 Borer 2013) has suggested an association between conversion nominalization, count quantification, and referential reading on the one hand, and between -ing nominalization, mass quantification and eventive reading on the other. Using a subset of the data reported in Andreou & Lieber (2020), we give statistical evidence that the relationship between morphological form, type of quantification, and aspectual class of base verb is neither categorical, as the literature suggests, nor completely free, but rather is probabilistic. We provide both a univariate analysis and a multivariate analysis (using conditional inference trees) that show that the relationship among the variables of morphological form, eventivity, quantification and aspectual class of base is complex. Tendencies sometimes go in the direction suggested by past literature (e.g. -ing forms tend to be eventive), but sometimes contradict past predictions (conversion also tends to be eventive). We also document that an important role is played by the specific verb underlying the nominalization rather than the aspectual class of verb. Finally, we consider what the pattern of polysemy that we uncover suggests with respect to theoretical modeling, looking at syntactic models (Distributed Morphology), lexical semantic models (the Lexical Semantic Framework), Analogical Models, and Distributional Semantics.

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“…However, this is not unusual for this suffix in the history of English. It is well known that at the origin of the progressive and the gerund is a full nominalization similar to the present-day nominal gerund, which in time developed verbal properties (Alexiadou 2013;Iordăchioaia & Werner 2019). Alexiadou argues that -ing acquires (more and more) verbal traits in its historical development, which can be viewed on a scale of grammaticalization in the verbal functional domain.…”

Section: The English Verbal Gerund (Poss-ing)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Alexiadou argues that -ing acquires (more and more) verbal traits in its historical development, which can be viewed on a scale of grammaticalization in the verbal functional domain. As a deverbal derivational suffix, -ing first exhibited lexical aspectual properties in the competition with other nominalizations (see the nominal gerund in Iordăchioaia & Werner 2019;cf. Borer 2013), which then led to expressing progressive grammatical aspect with verbs.…”

Section: The English Verbal Gerund (Poss-ing)mentioning

confidence: 99%

D and N are different nominalizers

Iordăchioaia

2020

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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In this paper I argue for a split between NP and DP by showing that it accounts for crucial distinctions in the behavior of nominalizations. The NP-DP split is challenged not only by competing frameworks or theories that argue, for instance, that NPs and not DPs are selected. Another challenge comes from derivational theories that reject the existence of possibly covert lexical categorizers such as N and posit instead overt functional categorizers like Classifier and especially D for nominalizations. In this latter trend, it is the NP (not the DP) whose existence is questioned. This paper argues in favor of the lexical categorizer N and for D as a necessary but exceptional nominalizer.

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Categorial shift via aspect and gender change in deverbal nouns

Cited by 13 publications

References 9 publications

Event structure and argument realization in English zero-derived nominals with particles

Event structure and argument realization in English zero-derived nominals with particles

The semantics of conversion nouns and -ing nominalizations: A quantitative and theoretical perspective

D and N are different nominalizers

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