Connectivity effects in pseudoclefts in L1 and L2 speakers of German

Abstract

This study investigates the hypothesis that non-isomorphic syntax–semantics mappings pose a greater challenge for non-native (L2) than for native (L1) speakers, focusing on a previously understudied phenomenon. We carried out an antecedent judgment task with L1 German and L1 Russian-speaking, proficient L2 learners of German to examine Condition C connectivity effects in German pseudoclefts. Binding Condition C constrains the interpretation of cataphoric pronouns such that they cannot be interpreted as coreferential with a referential expression within their scope. In specificational pseudoclefts such as What she liked was Jane’s office, Condition C effects can be observed in the absence of the required structural configuration, indicating that these effects result from the computation of a non-isomorphic semantic representation. For superficially similar – but semantically different – predicational pseudoclefts, no connectivity effects are expected. While the L1 speakers’ judgements showed the expected selective Condition C effect, the L2 speakers showed an across-the-board effect, with their antecedent judgements based on surface-level cues to cataphoric pronoun resolution and not affected by the semantic differences between the two types of pseudocleft. These findings support the claim that establishing syntax–semantics mappings is more difficult in a non-native than in a native language if there is no one-to-one correspondence between form and interpretation.