"Counter Equi-NP deletion"

Harada, Shigeru

doi:10.1515/jjl-1986-1-205

Cited by 51 publications

(41 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…19 The validity of (59) might be strengthened by data involving the tokoro-relative clause (TRC) construction, which is exemplified in (i) below (cf. Harada (1973), Kuroda (1999)), if we adopt Narita's (2007) analysis of the construction. Under Narita's analysis, the internal head, dorobo-ga 'burglar-Nom' in (i), undergoes Pre-Spell-Out Covert movement to the CP-edge of the TRC, where the internal head is θ-marked by the matrix predicate, tukamae 'arrest' in (i).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Theta-Marking via Agree

Funakoshi

2009

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper investigates the mechanism of θ-marking. Given the feature approach to θ-marking that states that θ-marking is performed by the general mechanism of feature checking, I will propose that θ-marking takes place via Agree, and provide conceptual and empirical arguments in favor of this view of θ-marking, based on data from control constructions in English and Japanese that indicate that a controller is θ-marked in the embedded [Spec, C] (precisely, [Spec, Fin]) by a matrix predicate.*

show abstract

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Theta-Marking via Agree

Funakoshi

2009

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…I should note that the degraded judgments for the examples in (43) are rooted in the double-accusative constraint in Japanese (Harada 1973). Without the intervening adverbs between the two DPs in accusative case, the two sentences are further degraded.…”

Section: Adjectival and Verbal Nouns In Japanese 257mentioning

confidence: 93%

Adjectival and verbal nouns in Japanese and multi-level nominalization

Ayano¹

2007

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper shows that there is a subclass of adjectives in Japanese called adjectival nouns, which consists of adjectives mostly of foreign origin, and this subset of the adjectives is required to undergo nominalization by the merger of a null nominalizing suffix. This process of nominalization takes place either prior to the PF interface or at PF, depending on the types of null nominalizing suffixes that merge with adjectival nouns. The proposed multilevel nominalization analysis has desirable consequences for adjectival nouns, and can also be extended to a subclass of verbs in Japanese, which likewise are typically of foreign origin.

show abstract

“…2 The stem of this verb is realized as su when combined with the present tense morpheme -ru and is realized as si when combined with the past tense morpheme -ta. 3 One might wonder why this example is acceptable given that two consecutive accusative phrases are usually claimed to be impossible in Japanese (Harada 1973(Harada , 1975Shibatani 1973Shibatani , 1978Hiraiwa 2010, among others). I will come back to this point in fn.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It is well known in the literature that when two accusative phrases co-occur, the two must be dislocated from each other. This is due to the Double-o Constraint (henceforth, DoC), which prohibits the occurrence of more than one accusative phrase in a certain syntactic domain such as VP (Harada 1973;Hiraiwa 2010, among Tokyo-in confiscation-acc do-pst In (ib), the two NPs receive accusative Case within the VP projection. This example is only marginally acceptable and is claimed to violate the DoC.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

On the pseudo-small clause construction in Japanese: New evidence for A-movement out of a CP and its theoretical implications

Takahashi

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper provides new evidence for the availability A-movement out of a CP and considers its theoretical implications. The discussion concerns what I call the "pseudo"-small clause construction in Japanese, which has not received much attention in the literature. The pseudo-small clause construction shows a puzzling constraint on major subjects originating in complement clauses: the major subjects must receive accusative Case from a matrix predicate despite the availability of nominative Case within the complement clauses. To explain this constraint, it is proposed that (i) pseudo-small clauses are phasal CPs and (ii) the major subjects originating in the pseudo-small clause complements must undergo movement into a matrix theta-position, which takes place across the CP phase. It is also suggested that (i) Tense in Japanese moves to C, (ii) Standard Japanese has null complementizers, and (iii) the ban on A-movement out of a CP is explained in terms of the locality of Agree.

show abstract

"Counter Equi-NP deletion"

Cited by 51 publications

References 0 publications

Theta-Marking via Agree

Theta-Marking via Agree

Adjectival and verbal nouns in Japanese and multi-level nominalization

On the pseudo-small clause construction in Japanese: New evidence for A-movement out of a CP and its theoretical implications

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About