Critical approaches to security in Central Asia: an introduction

Lemon, Edward

doi:10.1080/02634937.2018.1435760

Cited by 13 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 54 publications

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“…More broadly, under the umbrellas of vernacular and everyday security, researchers have often studied the opinions of the underprivileged or “voiceless” peoples (Lemon 2018, 4); and subjective security perception on the individual level can focus not just on military threats but also on economic, social, and political threats (Ozoliņa, Reinholde and Struberga 2021). While this study also aims to analyze views of the ordinary people, our primary goal is not so much giving the voice to the voiceless (Lemon 2018; Shaykhutdinov 2018), or providing a richer understanding of how laypeople think about security (Jackson and Hall 2016), but investigating to what extent the views of the government and the population align.…”

Section: Threat Perception On the Societal Levelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Microfoundations of Threat and Security Perceptions in Ethnically Diverse States: Lessons from Russia’s “Near Abroad”

Pupcenoks

Rostoks²,

Mieriņa³

2022

Nationalities Papers

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What factors influence the formation of threat perception among the masses? Can the public perceive that external threats exist yet also feel safe? This article investigates both how threat perceptions form, as well as what factors influence security perceptions, in ethnically diverse countries and societies. While drawing on data from two nationally representative surveys, this article inquires to what extent the views of the government and society align regarding whether Russia represents a security threat to Latvia. We find that the determinants of threat and security perceptions differ. Above all else, the views of our respondents are shaped by their ethnic identities and regional effects. Consumption of different forms of media also influence threat perception. Perceived asymmetry of power is an additional important variable shaping security perception. Importantly, there is a correlation between seeing Russia as a security threat and Russophobia or fear of Russians living in Latvia. Overall, this article demonstrates that threat perceptions differ between Russian-speakers and Latvians, shows that it is important to differentiate between perceptions of threat and security, and identifies key explanatory variables influencing development of these perceptions in ethnically diverse societies.

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Section: Threat Perception On the Societal Levelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Microfoundations of Threat and Security Perceptions in Ethnically Diverse States: Lessons from Russia’s “Near Abroad”

Pupcenoks

Rostoks²,

Mieriņa³

2022

Nationalities Papers

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“…Традиционализм, особенно радикальный, затрудняет развитие инноваций, кристаллизует сформировавшееся положение. Экономически это выражается в низком количестве патентов в странах региона (Lemon 2020), низком финансировании науки и образования, использовании устаревшего технологического базиса производства. В свою очередь, отсутствие возможности и необходимости в развитии ведёт к отсутствию экономической целесообразности получения качественного образования.…”

Section: Mgimo Review Of International Relations • 15(6) • 2022unclassified

Systemic Poverty Modelling: Case of Central Asia

Arzhaev

Andriukhin

Saprynskaya

2022

Vestnik MGIMO-universiteta

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Poverty is one of the most controversial issues in the academic discourse. The numerous theories and their different interpretations make theoretical approaches to poverty applicable to achieve different goals but not the one of its eradication. The politization of the problem and the motivation of political actors to harness the issue of poverty result in significant restrictions for objective assessment of the situation. Central Asia has been facing the problem of poverty for a long time, but this issue remains unresolved. The state of affairs differs a lot from one state to another in the region, however all of them are exposed to high risks since poverty in Central Asia has acquired the character of a systemic phenomenon. The abovementioned theses determine adaptation of the existing academic findings to regional specifics. The article hypothesizes that in Central Asian countries the factors of poverty persistence are linked to each other in vicious circles, the rupture of which is possible through systemic solutions in three public spheres – education, labor market and development institutions. To verify this hypothesis, the nature of poverty is put under test for consistency, the key characteristics of the problem for each of the Central Asian countries are highlighted. The major factors, contributing to the preservation of poverty are analyzed; the most important of them are revealed and logically connected to the three public spheres mentioned. The latter proves to be the most significant for the regional approach to poverty issues. The combination of statistical data, the poor quality of which represent a major limitation of the study, and the results of empirical conclusions has made it possible to identify the existence of two related “vicious circles” of poverty in the region – a vicious circle of factors of poverty persistence and a vicious circle of poverty and its consequences. Based on the data obtained through econometric modeling, a number of recommendations aimed at further reducing the severity of the problem in the Central Asian states have been developed. The proposed recommendations are formed considering the complexity and unrealizability of complex and simultaneous solutions to the problem of poverty and are designed to launch a mechanism for assessing the situation and its initial resolution.

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“…The issue of securitization of discourse regarding the CA region has long been the subject of inquiry among political scientists and international relations scholars (Lemon, 2018). There are several identifiable traits in such research.…”

Section: Securitization Of Central Asia and The Cooperation Agendamentioning

confidence: 99%

De-securitizing the “Silk Road”: Uzbekistan’s cooperation agenda with Russia, China, Japan, and South Korea in the post-Karimov era

Dadabaev

2020

Journal of Eurasian Studies

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This article argues that Uzbekistan’s cooperation agenda with Russia, China, Japan, and South Korea demonstrates clear signs of breaking with the Karimov-era security-driven agenda for cooperation in favor of de-securitization. This article uses a comparative analysis of the engagement of Russia, China, Japan, and South Korea with Uzbekistan through an analysis of the shifting political discourses in Uzbekistan and these states, statistics regarding their interaction, and an analysis of the economic road maps of their engagement from 2015 onward. This timeframe is attributed particular importance in this article, as it symbolizes the new opening of Uzbekistan toward these four states after the death of its dictatorial President Islam Karimov. In terms of the narrative, this article will first explore the problem of the securitization of the Central Asian region and the cooperation agenda. The article then discusses the motivations of Uzbekistan and its cooperation counterparts in pursuing closer ties. This discussion will then be followed by an analysis of how the new leadership in Uzbekistan re-evaluated its past behavior to address its post- and neocolonial challenges and the cooperation agendas with Russia, China, South Korea, and Japan.

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Critical approaches to security in Central Asia: an introduction

Cited by 13 publications

References 54 publications

Microfoundations of Threat and Security Perceptions in Ethnically Diverse States: Lessons from Russia’s “Near Abroad”

Microfoundations of Threat and Security Perceptions in Ethnically Diverse States: Lessons from Russia’s “Near Abroad”

Systemic Poverty Modelling: Case of Central Asia

De-securitizing the “Silk Road”: Uzbekistan’s cooperation agenda with Russia, China, Japan, and South Korea in the post-Karimov era

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