In this paper, we argue that a set of small
clause adjuncts involves a control relation with the event in the
main clause functioning as controller – we call this instance of
control event control. First, we clarify the empirical picture by
looking at data from German, Norwegian, and English. Second, we show
that event control is obligatory control and therefore suggest that
it should be syntactically licensed in the same way. Our theoretical
account is based on ideas by Whelpton (1995, 2002), Lohndal
(2014), Fischer
(2018), and Høyem (2018, 2019),
and we ultimately propose that event control is syntactically
licensed under upward Agree with underspecified PRO as probe and a
Davidsonian event argument in the main clause as goal.