FOFC as a PF phenomenon: Evidence from Basque clausal embedding

Abstract

The Final-Over-Final Condition (FOFC) accounts for a strong cross-linguistic general- ization whereby head-initial phrases are not dominated by head-final phrases. Giving an explanatory analysis of this condition requires to determine whether it is a narrow syntactic or a PF phenomenon. This paper explores an array of word order patterns in Basque which are different in root vs. em- bedded clauses. These contrasts can be explained as FOFC-effects resulting from strategies that ensure compliance when the syntax creates structures that potentially violate the FOFC. From there, the FOFC is analyzed as a condition on head-initial phrases not being dominated by head-final phrases if both host overt heads. When either of them hosts no overt head, compliance ensues. Consequently, the FOFC is a PF phenomenon, sensitive to the specific positions in which heads surface.