French Communism and Suburban Development: The Rise of The Paris Red Belt

Stovall, Tyler

doi:10.1177/002200948902400304

Cited by 19 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…In November 2021, the Labor Party launched a new peripheral organization, People's Relief. Drawing on Belgian political and social history, the PTB-PVDA also aimed to go one step further as part of revisiting the process of pillarisation: build up communal strongholds, something which has been very important in the history of Belgian socialism (Delwit, 2021a) but also when it came to communism taking hold in some European states, i.e., the PCF in France (Stovall, 1989), the PCP in Portugal or the KKE in Greece. With this desire to build a modern counter-society, the Labor Party, unlike many parties in Europe, focuses heavily on membership, members and member support.…”

Section: A New Kind Of Party Of Social Integrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Labor Party of Belgium (PTB-PVDA): A Modern Radical Left Party?

Delwit

2022

Front. Polit. Sci.

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In a phase of political and electoral downturn of several radical left parties, the Labor Party of Belgium (PTB-PVDA) strikes the imagination due to its increasing influence. A party of Maoist origin, the PTB-PVDA has been undergoing organizational and communication change since the mid-2000's. In this article, we argue that these changes have created a very singular party. Going against prevailing partisan developments, the heart of the party remains the party-in-central-office. The party has quite a dynamic life between elections, seeks to recruit and recruits party members, trains and mobilizes its membership, borrowing from the paths of historical Belgian pillarization or the model of party of social integration. At the same time, the PTB-PVDA incorporates current partisan modifications: a strong personification, a great investment in social networks, a populist rhetoric, a redesigned communication and a focus on elections to be able to benefit from public party funding. This combination of old and new makes it one of a kind party in Europe and among the European Radical Left. However, this original organizational scheme raises the question of its fate: the aggregation of the various elements requires that it remains in the parliamentary opposition.

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Section: A New Kind Of Party Of Social Integrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Labor Party of Belgium (PTB-PVDA): A Modern Radical Left Party?

Delwit

2022

Front. Polit. Sci.

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“…Despite an economic context marked by strong growth and full employment, the living and working conditions of West African migrants were dire. These conditions provided a new opportunity for radical movements to denounce and challenge the monopoly of the PCF and the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) union over the working class at the local and national levels, particularly in the “red belt,” the string of communist municipalities around Paris where many migrants lived (Stovall 1989).…”

Section: “Global 1968” and Its Aftermathmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Fabric of Transnational Political Activism: “Révolution Afrique” and West African Radical Militants in France in the 1970s

Dedieu

Mbodj-Pouye

2018

Comp Stud Soc Hist

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This article locates itself at the intersection of the social history of postcolonial migrations and the intellectual history of leftism and Third-Worldism in the aftermath of May ’68. It is the first study of the radical political group Révolution Afrique. From 1972 until its ban by the French government in 1977, this organization forged by African and French activists mobilized against neocolonial ideologies and policies on both sides of the Mediterranean. By tracing the organization's rise and fall through extensive archival research and in-depth interviews, the article explores the changing meanings of transnational activism by weaving together the biographical paths of the activists, the institutional and political constraints they faced, and the ideological framework within which they operated. During this short time frame, the transnational agenda that made sense among African workers and students in the early 1970s became irrelevant. The increasing repression of political dissent in Africa and France, the suspension of migratory flows, and the French government's implementation of return policies in the late 1970s forced the group's African activists to adopt a more national approach to their actions, or simply withdraw from high-risk activism. Despite the dissolution of Révolution Afrique, this collective endeavor appears to have been a unique experience of political education for African activists, transcending distinct social and national boundaries that until now have been left unexamined by social scientists specialized in the complex history of the relationships between France and Africa.

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“…This landscape included reduced funding, contradictory education policy directives, and an increased focus on potentially dangerous immigrant‐origin students. Following the slow decline of the integration model of these formerly Communist suburbs (see Stovall ; Van Zanten ), school districts in Seine‐Saint‐Denis underwent the consequences of what Pierre Bourdieu calls an ‘abdication of the state’ (1999: 181). This does not mean that the state abandoned Villerouge – in fact, there are new public programmes and initiatives geared towards ‘youth’ every year.…”

Section: Voyage Beyond the Périphérique: Discipline In Two French Schmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘All daughters and sons of the Republic’? Producing difference in French education

Kleinman

2016

J R Anthropol Inst

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Anthropological focus on public sphere debates can have the unintended consequence of reaffirming ideological oppositions ('secularism versus Islam') while ignoring other processes of difference production. In this article, I examine how French school employees build a logic of cultural otherness in an arena of uncertain social reproduction. Contrary to analyses of the French public sphere that emphasize the ideology of secular universalism, I argue that this dominant ideology has little purchase in the thick of social relations in a peripheral school. Faced with neoliberal transformations and diminishing resources, teachers draw instead on diverse discourses that have the effect of producing cultural difference. Through this process, immigrant-origin students are presented as incommensurable with Frenchness, and Frenchness becomes rooted in family structure and territory. This case illustrates how state actors confront the contradictions that inhabit universal citizenship and reconfigure the project of Republican schooling.

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French Communism and Suburban Development: The Rise of The Paris Red Belt

Cited by 19 publications

References 0 publications

The Labor Party of Belgium (PTB-PVDA): A Modern Radical Left Party?

The Labor Party of Belgium (PTB-PVDA): A Modern Radical Left Party?

The Fabric of Transnational Political Activism: “Révolution Afrique” and West African Radical Militants in France in the 1970s

‘All daughters and sons of the Republic’? Producing difference in French education

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