From participle to adjective in Germanic and Romance

Sleeman, Petra

doi:10.1075/la.212.07sle

Cited by 23 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…In fact, other PPrts have been proposed, either as different types or as varieties of these two main classes. Proposals include Sleeman (2011Sleeman ( , 2014's eventive prenominal participles, and McIntyre (2013)'s eventive-verb-related stative PPrts, among others. 3) PPrts are predicates and, as such, one expects their distribution to be conditioned by distinctions on lexical aspect, whether traditional or not.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…4) There seems to be some broad consensus among formal grammarians on the idea that varieties of PPrts derive from the verbal layers (related to aspect, voice, the event itself or its result) that the syntax displays in a hierarchical structure. On this issue see Embick (2004); Gehrke (2012Gehrke ( , 2013, Sleeman (2011Sleeman ( , 2014, Bruening (2014), McIntyre (2013) and references therein. Even so, much controversy exists on what specific layers are involved in each reading of a PPrt, and how exactly these projections are disposed.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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On Resultative Past Participles in Spanish

Bosque

2014

catjl

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A large part of the theoretical literature on Spanish Past Participles (PPrts) has focused on the Aktionsarten restrictions that these items exhibit in absolute clauses and verbal periphrases. This paper addresses the somehow neglected relationship that holds between grammatical and lexical aspect in the grammar or PPrts. Resultative PPrts (R-PPrts) are opposed to eventive PPrts (E-PPrts), following Kratzer, Embick, Gehrke, McIntyre, and other authors, and their meaning is shown to be a consequence of the interaction of voice and perfect features. Differences in the temporal interpretations of R-PPrts follow from the ways in which the perfect (abstract have) which they incorporate is interpreted. These PPrts-which are shown to be verbal, rather than adjectival categories-are further divided in two aspectual classes. In addition to this, two interpretations of the concept 'result' are compared, and argued to make different predictions as regards the grammar of PPrts: one is based on the notion 'change of state'; the other one stands on the concept of 'perfectivity'.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

On Resultative Past Participles in Spanish

Bosque

2014

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“…It is known that participles derived from psych verbs are often stative (non-eventive) and are therefore less prone to induce a passive interpretation in case of a pattern that allows both for a copular and passive construction (e.g. [be + past participle]), compared to participles derived from prototypical action verbs (Sleeman, 2014). In addition, psychological states are prototypically gradable in nature, which makes them very compatible with degree adverbs.…”

Section: Possibility Of Modification Of the Past Participle By A Degree Adverbmentioning

confidence: 99%

The copular subschema[become/devenir+ past participle]in English and French

Wettere

2020

LiC

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Abstract This article presents a contrastive analysis of the English copular subschema [become + past participle] and the equivalent copular subschema [devenir + past participle] in French, based on web data. It is shown that both patterns are almost equally productive at the subject complement level. Furthermore, a more in-depth analysis demonstrates that, in the segment of participles with a high adjectival potential, devenir accumulates more participle tokens than become. Conversely, the reverse holds true for participles with a high verbal potential, in which case become is characterized by more participle tokens than devenir. This high amount of combinations between become and eventive participles also suggests a higher degree of passivity for become. However, in the segment of participles with an intermediate verbal potential, devenir is slightly more type frequent than become, which hints at an emerging productivity in this area for devenir as well.

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“…2 para el tratamiento de los usos verbales y usos adjetivales de los participios puede consultarse Wasow (1977), Embick (2004) y Sleeman (2014).…”

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La analogía negativa en la morfología del participio de pasado: el caso excepcional de roto

Doroga

Tejedo-Herrero

2021

Rev. filol. esp.

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Este artículo analiza el inesperado cambio en el uso de las variantes del participio perfectivo de romper. El examen de los datos refleja el triunfo de roto en detrimento de rompido, variante aceptada en la norma culta hasta el siglo XVIII. Tras analizar los posibles factores del cambio, proponemos el concepto de analogía negativa para describir la progresiva devaluación sociolingüística que experimentó rompido por asociación con otros participios analógicos históricamente estigmatizados. La propuesta se apoya también en el caso afín de proveer, cuyo desarrollo expone las divergencias en el proceso de codificación de la variedad estándar

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From participle to adjective in Germanic and Romance

Cited by 23 publications

References 20 publications

On Resultative Past Participles in Spanish

On Resultative Past Participles in Spanish

The copular subschema[become/devenir+ past participle]in English and French

La analogía negativa en la morfología del participio de pasado: el caso excepcional de roto

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