<i>‘Wir sind das Volk!’</i>Representative Claim-Making and Populist Style in the PEGIDA Movement’s Discourse

Volk, Sabine

doi:10.1080/09644008.2020.1742325

Cited by 44 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…Bachmann's counter-performance to governmental control is in line with PEGIDA's previous populist, notably antielitist discourse and style (Vorländer et al, 2018;Volk, 2020). Indeed, Bachmann blames the Chancellor for "having run down" the German healthcare system, educational sector, and public defense, and secondly, letting the economy "crash" in the context of the pandemic.…”

Section: Bachmann's Enraged Contestation Of Institutional Controlmentioning

confidence: 77%

“…• 3 videos posted on the official web representation of regional Governor Michael Kretschmer movement in Germany, "Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the Occident" (Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes, PEGIDA), as the challenger and counter-performer. PEGIDA constitutes an interesting case not only due to its persistence even during the crisis, but also because as a far-right populist movement (Druxes and Simpson, 2016;Vorländer et al, 2018;Volk, 2020), its populist style has a propensity to "perform crisis" (Moffitt, 2015) and to claim to represent truly democratic politics (Volk, forthcoming;Mudde, 2007). Finally, the case of Saxony constitutes a pertinent example for a federal state due to its allegedly unique political culture (Jesse, 2016), and the geographic origin of PEGIDA in Dresden, the capital of Saxony, thus allowing for geographically coherent analysis.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Typical for populist counter-performances to representative claims (Saward, 2010;Moffitt, 2016;Volk, 2020), Bachmann proposes himself as a PEGIDA activist and eastern German citizen as an expert and therefore a superior performer of control in the situation of crisis. He suggests introducing an even stricter lockdown comparable to other countries, arguing that: "if you take measures and supposedly take this so seriously like her, then you do proper measures in one go, like other countries are doing it, like China did it, like Italy does it with curfews, like Austria does it, like Spain-I am stuck here!-exactly like they are doing it, and that's it."…”

Section: Bachmann's Enraged Contestation Of Institutional Controlmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In contrast, PEGIDA's counter-performances were addressed toward a transnational audience. Claiming to represent a European constituency (Volk, 2019(Volk, , 2020Caiani and Weisskircher, 2021), the imagined constituencies of PEGIDA's counter-performances included not only the followers of the international guest speakers from Belgium and Austria but also a vague notion of "Europeans" writ-large. The differences between institutional and grassroots politics seem to confirm the so-called renaissance of the nation-state during the COVID-19 pandemic in the context of institutional politics.…”

Section: Pegida's Counter-performancesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Political Performances of Control During COVID-19: Controlling and Contesting Democracy in Germany

Volk

2021

Front. Polit. Sci.

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Drawing from interpretive, namely discursive-performative approaches to both institutional and grassroots (populist) politics, this article explores political performances and counter-performances of control in Germany during the so-called first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Methodologically, the article constructs a comparative analytical framework including three cases from both within and outside of the federal institutional structure of Germany: at the institutional level, the cases comprise Angela Merkel, long-term federal Chancellor of Germany, and Michael Kretschmer, the regional Governor of the state of Saxony; at the grassroots level, the selected case is the populist protest movement “Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the Occident” (Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes, PEGIDA). Based on original empirical data generated using the toolkit of qualitative-interpretive methodology, notably online ethnography, the comparative analysis focuses on a few key counter-performances of control, among them a TV address (Merkel), a visit to an “anti-lockdown” demonstration (Kretschmer), and virtual protest events (PEGIDA). Emphasizing the performed, dynamic, and contested character of political control in Germany in spring 2020, the empirical analysis yields the following results: first, it sheds light on the different political styles of performing and contesting institutional control, including the habitus, modes, and (emotional) tones of the communication of the performers, and the scripts, stages, intended audiences as (imagined) constituencies, and modalities of transmission of their performances. Second, the discourse-theoretical perspective of the analysis reveals that political performances of control were closely linked to articulations of democracy as an empty signifier, and to claims for safeguarding democratic principles as such. Third, the article demonstrates the value of interpretive approaches to politics to generate more nuanced understandings of the relationships between the pandemic, democracy, and populism in a situation of an ultimate lack of control.

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Section: Bachmann's Enraged Contestation Of Institutional Controlmentioning

confidence: 77%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Bachmann's Enraged Contestation Of Institutional Controlmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Pegida's Counter-performancesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Political Performances of Control During COVID-19: Controlling and Contesting Democracy in Germany

Volk

2021

Front. Polit. Sci.

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“…Whereas the two master frames give the impression of a threat that is ubiquitous and manifests in different ways, PEGI-DA's self-image is clear. Dealing with a "political class" that is viewed as too ignorant to realize what is at stake, too out of touch to really care about it, or even supportive of what must be considered high treason, PEGIDA speakers present themselves as authentic champions of an overwhelmed people (Volk, 2020). This kind of authenticity is also expressed through a sarcastic and brutal language that seeks to ridicule the "Other" and cultivates a community spirit built upon civilizationist notions of belonging.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The “refugee crisis” as an opportunity structure for right-wing populist social movements: The case of PEGIDA

Bitschnau

Lichtenstein

Fähnrich

2021

SComS

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Current research on right-wing populist communication is often confined to political parties, with social movements receiving much less attention. To help fill this research gap, we examine the frames and master frames of the PEGIDA movement and the role of the 2015 “refugee crisis” in shaping them. Using qualitative content analysis of speeches held at PEGIDA rallies between 2014 and 2016, we identify two distinct master frames, each consisting of five particular frames. Besides an initial master frame about the allegedly looming Islam- ization of Europe, a second master frame dealing with the Perils of Asylum emerge during the “crisis” – ultimately, both converge, with the latter incorporating central elements of the former. These findings buttress our interpretation of the “crisis” as an opportunity structure that helped right-wing populist social movements to revitalize their message and broaden their audience. However, its long-term impact still appears limited as PEGIDA’s influence has greatly waned in recent years.

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Pegida

Berntzen¹

2022

The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements

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First established in the East German city of Dresden in October 2014, PEGIDA (Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes; Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the West) quickly rose to prominence as the largest physical manifestation of far‐right activism in Germany and Western Europe since 1945. Through their weekly marches in Dresden, Pegida managed to rally somewhere between 18,000 and 25,000 participants at their peak in 2015.

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‘Wir sind das Volk!’Representative Claim-Making and Populist Style in the PEGIDA Movement’s Discourse

Cited by 44 publications

References 32 publications

Political Performances of Control During COVID-19: Controlling and Contesting Democracy in Germany

Political Performances of Control During COVID-19: Controlling and Contesting Democracy in Germany

The “refugee crisis” as an opportunity structure for right-wing populist social movements: The case of PEGIDA

Pegida

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