Justifying Secession in Catalonia: Resolving Grievances or a Means to a Better Future?

Abstract

This article advances understandings of secessionist strategies by examining how and why secessionist movements make the case for creating a new sovereign state. It draws on new empirical data to examine the ways in which pro-independence parties in Catalonia have justified their calls for the creation of an independent Catalan Republic between 2008 and 2018. The findings challenge the widespread scholarly assumption that secessionist mobilisation is underpinned by grievances—cultural, economic, and political—against the state. We find that arguments for an independent Catalonia rarely include cultural claims. Instead, independence is advocated as a way of resolving political and economic grievances and of creating a better, more democratic, and just Catalan society. Such justifications are highly influenced by the political context in which pro-independence parties try to advance towards secession. These insights advance on extant explanations of secessionist mobilisation by highlighting the distinctive nature of, and the motives for, secessionist claims.

Public Policy to Reduce Inequalities across Europe

“…This latter example illustrates a broader point, regarding the ways in which welfare has clearly been used as an instrument of nation-building or region-building in places with autonomist or secessionist movements (Elias et al, 2020;Elias and Franco-Guillén, 2021). These strategies require a broad coalition of support and focus on territory as the basis of common interest, although this strategy in itself does not necessarily lead to solidaristic social policies.…”

Identity, money, or governance? Explaining secessionist parties’ rhetorical strategies

“…A more recent strand of scholarly research shows that mainstream secessionist parties – defined here as electorally successful – tend to make an “instrumental” case for independence based on the economy, welfare, and better governance for the regional population. This would be the case by the SNP in Scotland, ERC and JxC in Catalonia, and the NV-A in Flanders (Dalle Mulle, 2016; Dalle Mulle and Serrano, 2019; Elias, 2019, Elias and Franco, 2021; Maddens, 2018). Overall, all these contributions have greatly improved our understanding of framing strategies by minority nationalist parties.…”

“…Others have treated them as objective or material conditions for a secessionist movement to appear and grow (Muro and Griffiths, 2020; Sorens, 2008, 2012). However, it is only very recently that scholars have started to analyse how these territorial inequalities are used by minority nationalist parties to make their case for constitutional change (Abts et al, 2019; Basile, 2018; Dalle Mulle, 2017, Dalle Mulle and Serrano, 2019; Elias and Franco, 2021).…”

“…Secondly, despite this intensive mapping, there have been few attempts to explain rhetorical choices from a comparative perspective. Instead, the insights we possess so far focus on one element of party discourse such as the economy (Dalle Mulle ,2017) or grievances (Griffiths, 2021), or are based on one or a few case studies (Abts et al, 2019; Elias, 2019; Elias and Franco, 2021; Maddens, 2018).…”

“…Moreover, it helps them avoid attributions of blame by arguing that they cannot deliver better policies due to limited self-government. Therefore, the promise of building a working economy and welfare and a better governance system in the event of constitutional change would be the primary framing strategy by minority nationalist parties in office (Elias and Franco, 2021). Instead, identity frames are more likely to be employed by parties in opposition.…”