La construction « accusatif avec infinitif » avec les verbes causatifs et de perception en moyen français

Martineau, France

doi:10.7202/602666ar

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…Interestingly, this suggests that ECM under faire is on the decrease rather than the increase and this has, in fact, been claimed in the literature (seeMartineau 1990 who attributes this claim toDanell 1979 via St-Amour 1983.…”

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confidence: 65%

“…In this section, I consider the history of French, in order to establish whether it displayed the clitic ECM pattern historically with laisser or voir. I begin by summarising previous work on the history of French causative/permissive/perception verbs by Pearce (1990) and Martineau (1990) and then present new data from the Base de Français Médiéval on the history of laisser.13 The Old French data described by Pearce (given here in Table 6) seem, on the surface, to support the idea that ECM developed first with verbs of perception. Verbs of perception overwhelmingly occur with intransitive verbs, but with transitives, both accusative and dative causees are attested in Old French, though numbers are very small.…”

Section: The History Of Ecm In Frenchmentioning

confidence: 83%

“…With the causative faire 'make' and the permissive laisser 'let', in Old French, 90% of causees in transitive contexts are dative, suggesting that ECM emerged later, as described by Davies (1992) for Spanish and Portuguese. Pearce (1990) notes, citing Herslund (1980), DPs often fail to be overtly marked for dative case in Old French in other contexts where we would expect it (see also Morin et St-Amour 1977;Martineau 1990). This is true, for example, when they function as recipients/goals: (Vair, 795, Pearce 1990: 158, citing Herslund 1980 This introduces a confounding factor into the French data with full DPs, making it impossible to tell whether ECM was really attested in Old French with these verbs.…”

Section: The History Of Ecm In Frenchmentioning

confidence: 88%

“…In fact, the virtual absence of ECM with pronominal causees suggests that it was perhaps not available. Given the data presented by Martineau (1990) for Middle French from two texts from the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles (late 15c), the most likely scenario is that it was not, at least not with faire. The data presented by Martineau are summarised in Table 8.…”

Section: The History Of Ecm In Frenchmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Development of Exceptional Case Marking in Romance with a Particular Focus on French

Sheehan

2020

Probus

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This paper traces the development of so-called Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) under perception, permissive and causative verbs in Romance. Synchronically, we can observe various patterns in the distribution of ECM complements under these verbs. In Portuguese and Spanish, ECM is often possible under all permissive and causative verbs, whereas in French, Catalan and Italian it is usually restricted to perception and permissive verbs. A detail that has not been much discussed is the fact that, for many speakers, ECM with a given verb is often restricted to contexts in which the embedded ‘subject’ is a clitic. Some speakers of Modern French display this pattern with the verb faire ‘make’, for example (Abeillé, Anne, Danièle Godard & Philip Miller. 1997. Les causatives en français : Un cas de compétition syntaxique. Langue Française 115. 62–74. https://doi.org/10.3406/lfr.1997.6222). In this paper, I claim that laisser ‘let’ probably also displayed this pattern in Middle French. In Old French, however, what appears to be the opposite pattern is observed. Following (Pearce, Elizabeth. 1990. Parameters in Old French syntax: Infinitival complements. Dordrecht: Kluwer), I attribute this to the morphological variability of dative case in Old French. I propose a case-based analysis of the clitic ECM pattern, whereby ECM complements in Romance are phases unlike clause union complements (see Sheehan, Michelle & Sonia Cyrino. 2018. Why do some ECM verbs resist passivisation? A phase-based explanation. In Sherry Hucklebridge & Max Nelson (eds.), Proceedings of NELS 48 (vol 3), 81–90. University of Massachusetts). Where such complements are embedded under light verbs, the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by phase. In Michael Kenstowicz (ed.), Ken hale: A life in language, 1–52. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press) prevents accusative case from being assigned to the lower subject except in instances of cliticization. When the matrix verb is reanalysed as a full verb, however, v becomes the case-assigning head and so ECM becomes generally available, regardless of the clitic/non-clitic status of the causee.

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confidence: 65%

Section: The History Of Ecm In Frenchmentioning

confidence: 83%