‘Less at Stake’ or a Different Game? Regional Elections in Catalonia and Scotland

Liñeira, Robert

doi:10.1080/13597566.2011.578790

Cited by 15 publications

(21 citation statements)

References 22 publications

(23 reference statements)

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“…9 All NSWPs benefit from dual voting at regional elections, which constitutes a stable pattern of voting change from state-wide parties to nationalist parties at regional elections. Dual voting has been a prevalent phenomenon in Catalonia (Liñeira 2011;Riba 2000;Riera 2013), and, to a lesser extent, in Aragón, Cantabria, or Galicia (Pallarés and Keating 2003).…”

Section: Summary and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This interpretation has been used to explain congressional (Petrocik and Doherty 1996;Shafer and Claggett 1995) and gubernatorial elections in the US (Atkeson and Partin 1995;Stein 1990), or even European Parliament elections (Curtice and Steed 2000). 2 At regional elections, the argument has been mainly used in multinational contexts where the party systems operating at the sub-state and the state tiers differ (Curtice 2001;Denver and Johns 2010;Jones and Scully 2006;Liñeira 2011).…”

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confidence: 99%

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Second-Order Elections: Everyone, Everywhere? Regional and National Considerations in Regional Voting

Liñeira

2016

Publius

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Vote choice in regional elections is commonly explained as dependent on national politics and occasionally as an autonomous decision driven by region-specific factors. However, few arguments and little evidence have been provided regarding the determinants that drive voters' choices to one end or the other of this dependency-autonomy continuum. In this article we claim that contextual and individual factors help to raise (or lower) the voters' awareness of their regional government, affecting the scale of considerations (national or regional) they use to cast their votes at regional elections. Using survey data from regional elections in Spain, we find that voters' decisions are more autonomous from national politics among the more politically sophisticated voters, among those who have stronger feelings of attachment to their region, and in those contexts in which the regional incumbent party is different from the national one.

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Section: Summary and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Second-Order Elections: Everyone, Everywhere? Regional and National Considerations in Regional Voting

Liñeira

2016

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“…In both regions, this contestation of regressive social models has left a mark on their respective political fabrics. As a result, both Catalonia and Quebec are prone to be more progressive than the rest of their respective countries (B eland and Lecours, 2005;Liñeira, 2011;Mendelsohn et al, 2007).…”

Section: So Far Yet So Similarmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Subjective identity, the preference between the regional identity and national identity, has been shown to influence Catalan political preferences (see Liñeira, 2011;Montero and Font, 1991). Furthermore, the Spanish identity tends to be weaker in Catalonia than it is elsewhere in Spain (Muñoz Mendoza, 2008).…”

Section: So Far Yet So Similarmentioning

confidence: 98%

Refining vote choice in an ethno-regionalist context: Three-dimensional ideological voting in Catalonia and Quebec

2015

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“…Por otra parte, es relevante destacar que el comportamiento electoral que se ha venido produciendo en el territorio catalán ha estado influenciado por el denominado «comportamiento diferencial» (Montero y Font, 1991;Riba, 2000;Liñeira, 2011). Este comportamiento se caracteriza por la transferencia de votos entre los partidos nacionalistas y los de ámbito nacional dependiendo del tipo de comicios electorales, con una tendencia a mayores niveles de abstención en elecciones autonómicas por parte, en mayor medida, de los electores con identidad exclusiva o predominantemente española (Pallarés y Font, 1994).…”

Section: Gráficounclassified

El elector federalista catalán como solución (parcial) al reto independentista

Hernández¹,

Berriel²

2019

RIPS

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El elector federalista catalán como solución (parcial) al reto independentistahttp://dx.Resumen: Este artículo aborda la problemática existente en la comunidad de Cataluña a través del análisis empírico de un electorado específico: aquel que considera que la mejor relación entre el Estado y Cataluña es la de tipo federal. Este electorado se entronca importante por la maleabilidad de su comportamiento al decantarse a favor de la secesión o, por el contrario, desear permanecer dentro del Estado dependiendo de qué se le ofrezca. Así, lo que se evidencia en este trabajo es la no homogeneización del bloque independentista, existiendo en parte del mismo un electorado identitariamente versátil que acepta o rechaza la independencia según el modo de relación entre Cataluña y el Estado.Palabras clave: votante instrumental, Cataluña, independencia, identidad, federalistaAbstract: This paper tackles the existing problems in the region y of Catalonia through the empirical analysis of a specific electorate: the one that considers that the best relationship between the Spanish state and Catalonia is the federal type. This electorate is important because of the malleability of its behaviour by opting in favour of secession or, on the contrary, wishing to remain within the State depending on what it is offered. Thus, what is evident in this analysis is the non-homogenisation of the independence bloc, with part of it having an identityally versatile electorate that accepts or rejects independence according to the mode of relationship between Catalonia and the State.

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‘Less at Stake’ or a Different Game? Regional Elections in Catalonia and Scotland

Cited by 15 publications

References 22 publications

Second-Order Elections: Everyone, Everywhere? Regional and National Considerations in Regional Voting

Second-Order Elections: Everyone, Everywhere? Regional and National Considerations in Regional Voting

Refining vote choice in an ethno-regionalist context: Three-dimensional ideological voting in Catalonia and Quebec

El elector federalista catalán como solución (parcial) al reto independentista

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