“…At the second stage, at least one of the constraints has been re-ranked, while at the final stage, constraint re-ranking has been phonologized in the synchronic grammar of the next generation of speakers. The diagram in Figure 2, incorporating Miglio and Moren's (2003) three stages of change in OT, gives a visual description of the timeline of the changes taking place in Yoruba and in possible future trajectories. Figure 2:Diachronic changes in Yoruba syllable phonology…”
“…The relevant constraint set is {N o C oda , *C omplex , F aith }. Following Miglio and Moren (2003), re-ranking these constraints should describe all the data outlined in section 2. However, no ranking argument containing only these three constraints suffices to account for the variation discussed in section 3.…”
“…This article claims that Yoruba has changed from a language that makes categorical choices against consonant clusters and codas to a language that variably permits them through invention, preservation, and hypercorrection 1 . This diachronic change is conceptualized in terms of Optimality Theory (OT) constraint re-ranking in line with the assumptions of Miglio and Moren (2003). The resulting variation is assessed against existing OT approaches to synchronic variation and lexical stratification, including the ranked-winners approach of Coetzee (2004), the indexed constraint approach of Itô and Mester (1995a, b, 1999), the partial-order co-phonology of Anttila (1997), and the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) model of Goldwater and Johnson (2003).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The article claims that a major diachronic change has occurred in the syllable structure of Yoruba phonology due to its continued contact with English, resulting in the invention, preservation, and hypercorrection of clusters and codas. I characterize this change in terms of OT constraint re-ranking (Miglio and Moren 2003) and assess the resulting synchronic variation against the indexed constraint approach of Itô and Mester (1995a, b, 1999), the ranked-winners approach of Coetzee (2004), the partial-order co-phonology of Anttila (1997), and the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) model of Goldwater and Johnson (2003). I show that none of these approaches is able to account independently for the categorical, gradient, and lexically conditioned variation that characterize the contemporary Yoruba syllable structure, but rather that a MaxEnt model augmented with lexical indexation is the most economical model that fits the Yoruba data accurately.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…L'article affirme qu'un changement diachronique majeur s'est produit dans la structure syllabique de la phonologie yoruba en raison de son contact continu avec l'anglais, ce qui entraîne l'invention, la préservation et l'hypercorrection des groupes consonantiques et des codas. Je caractérise ce changement en termes de reclassement des contraintes OT (Miglio et Moren 2003) et j'évalue la variation synchronique résultante d'après l'approche des contraintes indexées d'Itô et Mester (1995a, b, 1999), l'approche des gagnants classés de Coetzee (2004), la co-phonologie d'ordre partiel d'Anttila (1997) et le modèle d'entropie maximale (MaxEnt) de Goldwater et Johnson (2003). Je montre qu'aucune de ces approches n'est capable de rendre compte de manière indépendante de la variation catégorielle, graduelle et lexicalement conditionnée qui caractérisent la structure syllabique du yoruba contemporain, mais que le modèle le plus économique et qui correspond le mieux aux données yoruba est un modèle MaxEnt augmenté de l'indexation lexicale.…”
This article provides a description and an Optimality Theory (OT) analysis of contact-induced changes and variation in contemporary Yoruba syllable structure. The article claims that a major diachronic change has occurred in the syllable structure of Yoruba phonology due to its continued contact with English, resulting in the invention, preservation, and hypercorrection of clusters and codas. I characterize this change in terms of OT constraint re-ranking (Miglio and Moren 2003) and assess the resulting synchronic variation against the indexed constraint approach of Itô and Mester (1995a, b, 1999), the ranked-winners approach of Coetzee (2004), the partial-order co-phonology of Anttila (1997), and the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) model of Goldwater and Johnson (2003). I show that none of these approaches is able to account independently for the categorical, gradient, and lexically conditioned variation that characterize the contemporary Yoruba syllable structure, but rather that a MaxEnt model augmented with lexical indexation is the most economical model that fits the Yoruba data accurately.
“…At the second stage, at least one of the constraints has been re-ranked, while at the final stage, constraint re-ranking has been phonologized in the synchronic grammar of the next generation of speakers. The diagram in Figure 2, incorporating Miglio and Moren's (2003) three stages of change in OT, gives a visual description of the timeline of the changes taking place in Yoruba and in possible future trajectories. Figure 2:Diachronic changes in Yoruba syllable phonology…”
“…The relevant constraint set is {N o C oda , *C omplex , F aith }. Following Miglio and Moren (2003), re-ranking these constraints should describe all the data outlined in section 2. However, no ranking argument containing only these three constraints suffices to account for the variation discussed in section 3.…”
“…This article claims that Yoruba has changed from a language that makes categorical choices against consonant clusters and codas to a language that variably permits them through invention, preservation, and hypercorrection 1 . This diachronic change is conceptualized in terms of Optimality Theory (OT) constraint re-ranking in line with the assumptions of Miglio and Moren (2003). The resulting variation is assessed against existing OT approaches to synchronic variation and lexical stratification, including the ranked-winners approach of Coetzee (2004), the indexed constraint approach of Itô and Mester (1995a, b, 1999), the partial-order co-phonology of Anttila (1997), and the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) model of Goldwater and Johnson (2003).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The article claims that a major diachronic change has occurred in the syllable structure of Yoruba phonology due to its continued contact with English, resulting in the invention, preservation, and hypercorrection of clusters and codas. I characterize this change in terms of OT constraint re-ranking (Miglio and Moren 2003) and assess the resulting synchronic variation against the indexed constraint approach of Itô and Mester (1995a, b, 1999), the ranked-winners approach of Coetzee (2004), the partial-order co-phonology of Anttila (1997), and the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) model of Goldwater and Johnson (2003). I show that none of these approaches is able to account independently for the categorical, gradient, and lexically conditioned variation that characterize the contemporary Yoruba syllable structure, but rather that a MaxEnt model augmented with lexical indexation is the most economical model that fits the Yoruba data accurately.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…L'article affirme qu'un changement diachronique majeur s'est produit dans la structure syllabique de la phonologie yoruba en raison de son contact continu avec l'anglais, ce qui entraîne l'invention, la préservation et l'hypercorrection des groupes consonantiques et des codas. Je caractérise ce changement en termes de reclassement des contraintes OT (Miglio et Moren 2003) et j'évalue la variation synchronique résultante d'après l'approche des contraintes indexées d'Itô et Mester (1995a, b, 1999), l'approche des gagnants classés de Coetzee (2004), la co-phonologie d'ordre partiel d'Anttila (1997) et le modèle d'entropie maximale (MaxEnt) de Goldwater et Johnson (2003). Je montre qu'aucune de ces approches n'est capable de rendre compte de manière indépendante de la variation catégorielle, graduelle et lexicalement conditionnée qui caractérisent la structure syllabique du yoruba contemporain, mais que le modèle le plus économique et qui correspond le mieux aux données yoruba est un modèle MaxEnt augmenté de l'indexation lexicale.…”
This article provides a description and an Optimality Theory (OT) analysis of contact-induced changes and variation in contemporary Yoruba syllable structure. The article claims that a major diachronic change has occurred in the syllable structure of Yoruba phonology due to its continued contact with English, resulting in the invention, preservation, and hypercorrection of clusters and codas. I characterize this change in terms of OT constraint re-ranking (Miglio and Moren 2003) and assess the resulting synchronic variation against the indexed constraint approach of Itô and Mester (1995a, b, 1999), the ranked-winners approach of Coetzee (2004), the partial-order co-phonology of Anttila (1997), and the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) model of Goldwater and Johnson (2003). I show that none of these approaches is able to account independently for the categorical, gradient, and lexically conditioned variation that characterize the contemporary Yoruba syllable structure, but rather that a MaxEnt model augmented with lexical indexation is the most economical model that fits the Yoruba data accurately.
This paper presents an analysis of two interacting sound changes in the extinct West Slavic language Polabian. Polabian is known to have two types of vowel innovations: (i) the incorporation of acoustic properties from consonant secondary co-articulations (either palatalization or velarization) and (ii) a systematic rotation of vowels (Timberlake 1995). This paper argues that the innovation in (ii) is a vowel chain shift similar to those analyzed in Labov (1994). Unlike the other languages surveyed in Labov (1994), Polabian has phonologically predictable exceptions to the general direction of vowel movement through the acoustic space. Unlike previous work on Polabian, this paper proposes that the vowel chain shift operated simultaneously with the innovation in (i) resulting in phonologically predictable exceptions. This paper tests Timberlake’s (1995) proposal and the current proposal in a Harmonic Grammar (Flemming 2001) which uses Purcell’s (1979) acoustic data from Russian as a proxy. The model only captures the correct distribution of vowel reflexes under the assumption that co-articulatory based innovations and vowel chain shifting were active at the same time.
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