Multilateralism as a tool: Exploring French military cooperation in the Sahel

Erforth, Benedikt

doi:10.1080/01402390.2020.1733986

Cited by 16 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…Recent scholarly inquiries have focused on the aspect of multilateralism in French interventionism (Erforth, 2020;Recchia, 2020;Tardy, 2020;Chafer et al, 2020). Relying on historical process tracing, Recchia (2020: 510) concludes that multilateralism is primarily utilized to counter nationalist pushback and related accusations of neocolonialism from African audiences and enables France to continue to shape political events as first among equals in its African sphere of influence.…”

Section: French Interventionism In Mali and The Sahel Regionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The third sub-section subsequently enlightened principally how Operation Serval and Barkhane have been investigated. Some scholars have shed light on the aspects of multilateralism in French interventionism (Chafer et al, 2020;Erforth, 2020;Recchia, 2020;Tardy, 2020) whereas others on the question of legitimacy (see Wing, 2016;Chafer, 2016;Wing, 2016;Recchia, 2020;Tull, 2021).…”

Section: Summary Of the Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Existing research has indeed focused on the rise of multilateralism in French interventionism, mainly pointing out that multilateralism is utilized to counter accusations of neocolonialism from African audiences, to help to fulfill France's role as a 'puissance d'influence' (influential power) and to provide legitimacy (Chafer et al, 2020;Erforth, 2020;Recchia, 2020;Tardy, 2020). Other prominent scholars in the field have paid attention more precisely to the feature of legitimacy (see Chafer, 2016;Wing, 2016;Sabrow, 2017;Recchia, 2020;Tull, 2021).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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الخطاب الرسمی السعودی لوسائل الإعلام العربیة والعالمیة- دراسة تطبیقیة على السیاسات الداخلیة وقضایا العلاقات الخارجیة

العساف¹

2023

مجلة البحوث الإعلامیة

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Notwithstanding the promises of an end to the Françafrique era, France remains the desired external security actor in francophone Africa. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the discursive legitimation strategies of Emmanuel Macron on France's military activism in Mali, inquiring 'How did the French President Emmanuel Macron discursively legitimize France's military presence in Mali before the announcement of the end of Operation Barkhane?'. The aim is further to explore the construction of the French Self and the Malian Other in the legitimation discourse, asking 'How did Macron construct a French 'Self' and a Malian 'Other' in his discourse as legitimate reasons for maintaining the intervention?'. By applying an interpretivist, poststructuralist discourse analysis to official statements published between 2017 and 2021, the thesis concludes that Macron's discursive legitimation strategies remain approximately similar, yet the greater emphasis on rhetorical themes of equal partnership, non-interference in internal affairs, democracy and an ever-increasing multilateralism have taken place in the face of Paris' damaged legitimacy. Focusing on the construction of the Self and the Other affirms that Macron constructs the Malian Other as significantly different from the French Self even though the country is seen as capable of transformation and cooperation, requiring the compliance of Western advice.

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Section: French Interventionism In Mali and The Sahel Regionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Summary Of the Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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الخطاب الرسمی السعودی لوسائل الإعلام العربیة والعالمیة- دراسة تطبیقیة على السیاسات الداخلیة وقضایا العلاقات الخارجیة

العساف¹

2023

مجلة البحوث الإعلامیة

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“…Emmanuel Macron has defined the term to mean that Europe needs to "rethink itself politically and act politically to define common objectives that are more than merely delegating our future to the market" (2020). For Macron, 'strategic autonomy' is not merely about developing the Canadian Journal of European andRussian Studies, 15(2) 2020: 25-54 ISSN 2562-8429 ability to intervene abroad but also about developing a European political identity that will reduce the costs of its foreign entanglements (Erforth 2020).…”

Section: French Challenges To National Security and The Necessity Of ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Strategic Power Europe: A Contradiction in Terms?

Havel

2022

CJERS

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As of 2021, the European Union (EU) is now a foundational part of Europe’s defense architecture, with programmes such as PESCO now enabling the EU to organise civil-military responses to crise and coordinate the defense-planning cycles of 25 European countries. This article asks why EU member states have opted to use the EU to enable their capabilities and manage ongoing security crises? In answering this question, the article uses a pluralistic reading, utilising realist and liberal-intergovernmentalist frameworks to assess complementary hypotheses for this cooperation. The second part assesses the state of the international system, concluding its increasing insecurity has prompted a collective awareness that a more strategic response to collective security is necessary. The third part evaluates the role of the political and economic balance of bargaining power between EU member states, assessing Germany, France, and Poland as case studies. The paper concludes briefly on the implications of this cooperation and the need for pluralistic readings of EU defense cooperation.

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“…Each of these traditional and non-traditional challenges has a direct or indirect impact on international and national (state) security. Of particular importance is the importance of diplomacy, including defence diplomacy (Cottey and Forster, 2010;Drab, 2021), and building one's own defence capabilities and military cooperation between neighbouring states and amongst allies in situations of potential and real threats (Bodnieks, 2019;Correia, 2019;Erforth, 2020;Noh, 2018). These problems have been addressed by papers in the special issue of "Challenges for the state and international security: The current state and prognosis for the future".…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%