Phonetic alignment constraints: consonant overlap and palatalization in English and Russian

Zsiga, Elizabeth C.

doi:10.1006/jpho.2000.0109

Cited by 111 publications

(95 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…Such an analysis is in line with proposals that languages can differ significantly in the articulatory timing of similar segmental sequences (Browman & Goldstein 1990, Byrd 1996, Zsiga 2000.…”

Section: The Nature Of Aspirated Stops In Andalusian Spanishsupporting

confidence: 89%

Investigating the nature of aspirated stops in Western Andalusian Spanish

Torreira¹

2012

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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Section: The Nature Of Aspirated Stops In Andalusian Spanishsupporting

confidence: 89%

Investigating the nature of aspirated stops in Western Andalusian Spanish

Torreira¹

2012

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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“…It is distinct in a number of linguistic aspects from the rest of GA varieties (e.g. Saudi, Qatari, Kuwaiti, Omani and Bahraini), as shown in the following tables: Linguistics ISSN 1948-5425 2017 In addition, palatalisation could also refer to the addition of a secondary palatal articulation as the case of the Russian sj and pj (Zsiga 2000). This phenomenon has morphological motives as well in some languages such as Somali, e.g.…”

Section: Emirati Arabic (Ea)mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Palatalisation of /ʤ/ into /j/ in Emirati Arabic (EA): A Rule-Governed or Random Alternation?

Hassan¹

2017

IJL

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This study aims to investigate a phonological phenomenon that occurs in Emirati Arabic (EA), whereby the voiced palato-alveolar affricate /ʤ/ changes into the voiced palatal approximate (glide) /j/. In particular, this study attempts to determine whether this phonological alternation is triggered by a certain phonological environment, or whether it occurs randomly without any rule. It also endeavours to examine the hypothesis that this phonological phenomenon was borrowed from other Arabic dialects spoken in the Gulf through language contact.

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“…It has been proposed that optional phonetic processes (e.g. optional vowel coalescence) frequently occur between ωs, possibly due to phonetic overlap (Sadock 1980;Zsiga 1994;1997;2000; …”

Section: Discussion and Consequencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…One possible explanation for the optional application of vowel coalescence in this environment would be to attribute the coalescence to a phonetic sandhi process applying between ωs à la enhancement and overlap (Quantal Theory; Keyser & Stevens 2006;Stevens & Keyser 2010;cf. Zsiga 1994;1997;2000). Russell (1999;, examining the related Cree language, shows that the optional phonetic processes, of the type predicted by enhancement & overlap, that occur at the boundaries of ωs may mimic ω-internal obligatory processes but do not occur with the same regularity in application.…”

Section: Study 2: Intersyllable Vowel Coalescence and Sandhi Phenomenamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Russell (1999;, examining the related Cree language, shows that the optional phonetic processes, of the type predicted by enhancement & overlap, that occur at the boundaries of ωs may mimic ω-internal obligatory processes but do not occur with the same regularity in application. Russell (2008) additionally cites a variety of phonetic studies which show that such sandhi phenomena are most frequently found at the boundaries between ωs (Zsiga 1994;1997;2000;Nolan et al 1996;Ellis & Hardcastle 2002;Ladd & Scobbie 2003;Tserdanelis 2005). Although it is not the case that all sandhi phenomena are optional, Russell and many of the references therein argue that the location where optional phonetic phenomena are most expected is between ωs (cf.…”

Section: Study 2: Intersyllable Vowel Coalescence and Sandhi Phenomenamentioning

confidence: 99%

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Predicting prosodic structure by morphosyntactic category: A case study of Blackfoot

Windsor

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This study examines phonetic correlates to three prosodic categories in Blackfoot: the syllable (σ), the prosodic word (ω), and the phonological phrase (φ). I provide evidence that the Blackfoot σ is recognizable by an obligatory process of vowel coalescence and the φ is recognizable by an obligatory process of right edge aspiration. The ω can be distinguished from these other two prosodic constituents by an optional phonetic process which mimics intersyllabic vowel coalescence, but does not apply obligatorily.The prosodic categories investigated in this study are then correlated to three morphosyntactic categories: morphological agreement suffixes, lexical morphemes (adjectives and nouns), and demonstratives. This correlation is used to argue that morphological and syntactic processes function differently at the interface with phonology (cf. Russell 1999), ultimately raising questions with "word-internal syntax" analyses of Blackfoot suffixation which are derived through cyclic head movement (Bliss 2013; Wiltschko 2014) using the Mirror Principle (Baker 1985).

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Phonetic alignment constraints: consonant overlap and palatalization in English and Russian

Cited by 111 publications

References 20 publications

Investigating the nature of aspirated stops in Western Andalusian Spanish

Investigating the nature of aspirated stops in Western Andalusian Spanish

The Palatalisation of /ʤ/ into /j/ in Emirati Arabic (EA): A Rule-Governed or Random Alternation?

Predicting prosodic structure by morphosyntactic category: A case study of Blackfoot

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