Pride or Prejudice?

Strother, Logan; Piston, Spencer; Ogorzalek, Thomas K.

doi:10.1017/s1742058x17000017

Cited by 43 publications

(26 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…In Reed's (2008) in-depth study of Southerners, the content of "being Southern" was never equated with notions of the Confederacy. Despite this, some researchers are intent on equating "Southern pride" with some kind of knowledge of or pride in the Confederacy itself (Strother et al, 2017). Given our comprehensive use of control variables, including two common measures of racial prejudice, our observed link between Southern pride and attitudes toward Confederate symbols is, at present, better interpreted in line with the conceptualizing of Reed (2008) than Strother et al (2017).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 68%

“…discipline) were both strongly associated with support for the Mississippi state flag (Orey, 2004). 2 The link between negative racial attitudes and support for the Confederate battle flag has been corroborated in recent studies (Cooper & Knotts, 2006;Strother, Piston, & Ogorzalek, 2017;Wright & Esses, 2017).…”

Section: Southern Pride or Racism?mentioning

confidence: 76%

“…Even recent research (Strother et al, 2017) has used poor proxy measures of Southern pride (e.g., whether the respondent considers him/herself to be a native Southerner, a converted Southerner, or a non-Southerner, or how many civil war battles participants can name). The only study to use a measure of Southern pride with good face validity and good internal consistency found Southern pride to be more strongly associated with support for the Confederate battle flag than both overt racial attitudes and political ideology and even found a small association (r = .19) between Southern pride and support for the Confederate battle flag among Black respondents (Wright & Esses, 2017)-a finding consistent with the notion that the Confederate flag encapsulates a "Southern pride", not even solely a "White Southern pride."…”

Section: Southern Pride or Racism?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Some research suggests that being older is correlated with less support for the Confederate battle flag (Reingold & Wike, 1998;Wright & Esses, 2017) whereas other research suggests that being older is correlated with more support for the flag (Clark, 1997;Strother et al, 2017). Conservative ideology is associated with more support for the flag (Cooper & Knotts, 2006;Orey, 2004;Strother et al, 2017;Wright & Esses, 2017). The desire to respond in socially acceptable ways has also been associated with reduced support for the Confederate battle flag (Wright & Esses, 2017).…”

Section: Southern Pride or Racism?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Is Support for Confederate Symbols Motivated by Southern Pride or Racism? Further Distinctions Between “Traditionalists” and “Supremacists”

Wright¹,

Cheung²

2019

Preprint

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In two preregistered studies we examine correlates of support for Confederate symbols among White Southerners (Study 1: N = 559) and examine potential negative effects of the widespread removal of Confederate symbols (Study 2: N = 139). In Study 1 we determine that support for Confederate symbols is largely a function of a traditional Southern worldview where cultural notions of industriousness, fairness, discipline, obedience, loyalty, and honor are central.Furthermore, we identify four distinct types of Southerners, including two types that equally support Confederate symbols: Traditionalists and Supremacists. While these groups equally support Confederate symbols, Traditionalists hold non-prejudicial attitudes that do not differ from those who do not support Confederate symbols, whereas Supremacists hold relatively more negative attitudes toward Blacks. These Supremacists are also more willing to engage in activist and radical behavior in support of Confederate monuments relative to Traditionalists. In Study 2 we show that when Traditionalists and Supremacists are exposed to the removal of Confederate symbols, they demonstrate an increased willingness to engage in activist, but not radical, behaviors in support of Confederate monuments, and they display more anger, disgust, and upset emotions. Supremacists, but not Traditionalists, also display hostility in response to the removal of Confederate symbols.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 68%

Section: Southern Pride or Racism?mentioning

confidence: 76%

Section: Southern Pride or Racism?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Southern Pride or Racism?mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Is Support for Confederate Symbols Motivated by Southern Pride or Racism? Further Distinctions Between “Traditionalists” and “Supremacists”

Wright¹,

Cheung²

2019

Preprint

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“…While the sample in study 1 is not nationally representative, Mechanical Turk is a robust data acquisition platform (Litman et al, 2017). Mturk samples allow for valid measurement of constructs, which are generally lacking among nationally representative samples (e.g., Strother, Piston, & Ogorzalek, 2017). Mturk offers diverse samples (Buhrmester, Kwang, & Gosling, 2011;Huff & Tingley, 2015), is a valid recruitment tool for political research (Clifford, Jewell, & Waggoner, 2015), and has been widely used for political research (e.g., Choma & Hanoch, 2017, Hayward, Hornsey, Tropp, & Barlow, 2017, including research on support for Donald Trump specifically (Blankenship, Savas, Frederick, & Stewart, 2018;Choma & Hanoch, 2017;.…”

Section: G Ener Al Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

It’s security, stupid! Voters’ perceptions of immigrants as a security risk predicted support for Donald Trump in the 2016 US presidential election

Wright

Esses

2018

J Applied Social Pyschol

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We analyzed two datasets to determine the predictive validity of four explanations of support for Donald Trump during the 2016 US presidential election: (a) security concerns regarding immigrants, (b) economic concerns regarding immigrants, (c) cultural concerns regarding immigrants, and (d) social dominance orientation. Results of a two‐phase study (N = 354) suggested that perceiving immigrants as a security concern was predictive of increased support for and greater odds of voting for Donald Trump three weeks later. Perceiving immigrants as an economic threat predicted odds of voting for Donald Trump, but only among liberals and there was no evidence of cultural concern or social dominance orientation (SDO) predicting support for Donald Trump or odds of voting for Trump. A follow‐up analysis of the cross‐sectional ANES survey corroborated that security concerns were an important correlate of voting for Trump, but also that SDO was correlated with having previously voted for Donald Trump. While our two‐phase study has the benefit of prediction, the cross‐sectional ANES data does not—“predictors” in these data were collected up to two months post‐election.

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Uncloaking a Lost Cause: Decolonizing ancestry estimation in the United States

DiGangi

Bethard

2021

American J Phys Anthropol

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Since the professionalization of US-based forensic anthropology in the 1970s, ancestry estimation has been included as a standard part of the biological profile, because practitioners have assumed it necessary to achieve identifications in medicolegal contexts. Simultaneously, forensic anthropologists have not fully considered the racist context of the criminal justice system in the United States related to the treatment of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color; nor have we considered that ancestry estimation might actually hinder identification efforts because of entrenched racial biases.Despite ongoing criticisms from mainstream biological anthropology that ancestry estimation perpetuates race science, forensic anthropologists have continued the practice. Recent years have seen the prolific development of retooled typological approaches with 21st century statistical prowess to include methods for estimating ancestry from cranial morphoscopic traits, despite no evidence that these traits reflect microevolutionary processes or are suitable genetic proxies for population structure; and such approaches have failed to critically evaluate the societal consequences for perpetuating the biological race concept. Around the country, these methods are enculturated in every aspect of the discipline ranging from university classrooms, to the board-certification examination marking the culmination of training, to standard operating procedures adopted by forensic anthropology laboratories.Here, we use critical race theory to interrogate the approaches utilized to estimate ancestry to include a critique of the continued use of morphoscopic traits, and we assert that the practice of ancestry estimation contributes to white supremacy. Based on the lack of scientific support that these traits reflect evolutionary history, and the inability to disentangle skeletal-based ancestry estimates from supporting the biological validity of race, we urge all forensic anthropologists to abolish the practice of ancestry estimation.

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Pride or Prejudice?

Cited by 43 publications

References 27 publications

Is Support for Confederate Symbols Motivated by Southern Pride or Racism? Further Distinctions Between “Traditionalists” and “Supremacists”

Is Support for Confederate Symbols Motivated by Southern Pride or Racism? Further Distinctions Between “Traditionalists” and “Supremacists”

It’s security, stupid! Voters’ perceptions of immigrants as a security risk predicted support for Donald Trump in the 2016 US presidential election

Uncloaking a Lost Cause: Decolonizing ancestry estimation in the United States

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