2004
DOI: 10.1515/prbs.2004.16.2.113
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Prosodic and analogical effects in lexical glide formation in Catalan

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Cited by 15 publications
(21 citation statements)
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“…if it is no more than two syllables away, cf. Cabré/ Prieto 2004). Still inside words, in languages like BPor, EPor and Catalan high vowels followed by another vowel in posttonic position obligatorily surface as glides.…”
Section: Segmental Phenomena and Their Interactionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…if it is no more than two syllables away, cf. Cabré/ Prieto 2004). Still inside words, in languages like BPor, EPor and Catalan high vowels followed by another vowel in posttonic position obligatorily surface as glides.…”
Section: Segmental Phenomena and Their Interactionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Still inside words, in languages like BPor, EPor and Catalan high vowels followed by another vowel in posttonic position obligatorily surface as glides. In this group of languages, while semivocalization is in general optional pretonically, it is obligatory in postonic position, as in família 'family' (d' Andrade/Viana 1994;Frota 2000;Mateus/d'Andrade 2000;Cabré/Prieto 2004;Simonet 2005). 4 When V1 and V2 belong to different words, phrase-level prominence may also determine whether semivocalization may apply or not.…”
Section: Segmental Phenomena and Their Interactionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For example, Hualde and Prieto (2002) established that the acoustic difference between Spanish diphthongs and hiatuses lies in the mean duration values of the two vocoids. Cabré and Prieto (2004) provide a broad empirical study of the present-day lexical distribution of the rising diphthong/hiatus alternations in Central Catalan and represent the results in the form of OTed tableaux. They contend that "the tendency to contract vowels into rising diphthongs in Catalan can be regarded as a process closely guided by competing prosodic and analogical conditions, i.e., by forces which optimise prosodic structure and by forces which tend to keep identity relations" (Cabré and Prieto 2004: 115).…”
Section: Haładewicz-grzelakmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These two segments are known to pattern with vowels in some languages, where they alternate with the corresponding high vowels [i] and [u]. This is the case, for example, in many Romance languages (e.g., Spanish-Hualde, 1999;Hualde and Prieto, 2002;Romanian-Chitoran, 2001;Hualde and Chitoran, 2003;Catalan-Recasens, 1991 Cabré andPrieto, 2004).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%