Revisiting party system structuration in Latin America and Europe: Economic and socio-cultural dimensions

Martínez-Gallardo, Cecilia; Cerda, Nicolás de la; Hartlyn, Jonathan; Hooghe, Liesbet; Marks, Gary; Bakker, Ryan

doi:10.1177/13540688221090604

Cited by 15 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 39 publications

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“…The "extremist" category (H2a) classifies political actors located in the first and last quintile of ideological positioning (see the Supplementary File). The values for Brazil, Chile, and Colombia come from the database by Wiesehomeier et al (2021), while the ideological classification of the Peruvian parties comes from the 2020 Chapel Hill Expert Survey Latin America values (Martínez-Gallardo et al, 2022). The most voted-for parties (H2b) are the two parties with the most votes in the first electoral round in each country.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Divisive Issues, Polarization, and Users’ Reactions on Facebook: Comparing Campaigning in Latin America

Fenoll,

Gonçalves,

Bene

2024

PaG

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Economic, social, and health crises have shaken and polarized contemporary politics. An element fueling this polarization is the dissemination of divisive topics on social media platforms. While these polarizing social media tendencies are increasingly studied, research exploring digital political communication in South America remains scarce. This study aims to analyze the electoral campaigns in Brazil, Colombia, Chile, and Peru to define the features that trigger polarized emotional reactions on Facebook. The corpus comprises a sample of 2,930 posts published by candidates and political parties during the first round of the presidential elections held in these countries between 2021 and 2022. We hypothesize that users are more likely to react in a polarized way to content focused on divisive issues. In addition, we examine how these patterns differ across countries and the influence of the level of political polarization. Finally, the role played by party-level characteristics in the emotional reactions of users is also analyzed. By means of quantitative content analysis, these questions are addressed using multilevel negative binomial regressions to identify what predicts Love and Angry reactions. The bandwagon effect seems to work positively on users’ moods since the most popular political actors receive significantly more Love reactions, irrespective of the post’s subject. In more polarized countries, there is a tendency to react more negatively to certain divisive issues, generating greater visibility of these issues on social networks and thus promoting more polarization. These findings expand knowledge about the dynamics of digital political communication in the Global South.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Divisive Issues, Polarization, and Users’ Reactions on Facebook: Comparing Campaigning in Latin America

Fenoll,

Gonçalves,

Bene

2024

PaG

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“…In ideological terms, therefore, polarization is best conceived in a twodimensional space, recognizing the existence of political conflict along cultural dimensions that are potentially independent of left-right positioning on the economic axis, even if in practice they often map onto that horizontal axis (on the latter, see Martínez-Gallardo et al 2022). The Latin American experience also demonstrates that polarization cannot be understood with a narrow fixation on either elite or mass-level political dynamics; it inevitably involves a complex, reciprocal interaction between mass publics, civic activist networks, social movements, party organizations, and political elites.…”

Section: Contemporary Polarization In Historical Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Introduction: The New Polarization in Latin America

Sarsfield,

Moncagatta,

Roberts

2024

Lat Am Polit Soc

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Mounting evidence suggests that Latin American democracies are characterized by politics and societies becoming more divisive, confrontational, and polarized. This process, which we define here as the “new polarization” in Latin America, seems to weaken the ability of democratic institutions to manage and resolve social and political conflicts. Although recent scholarship suggests that polarization is integral to contemporary patterns of democratic “backsliding” seen in much of the world, this new polarization in the region has not yet received systematic scholarly attention. Aiming to address this gap in the literature, the different contributions in this special issue revise the conceptualization, measurement, and theory of a multidimensional phenomenon such as polarization, including both its ideological and affective dimensions, as well as perspectives at the elite and mass levels of analysis. Findings shed light on the phenomenon of polarization as both a dependent and an independent variable, contributing to comparative literature on polarization and its relationship to democratic governance.

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“…Social movements include various actors, such as trade unions, organised interest groups, and associations of retirees and pensioners. Concerning the issues at stake, we developed a classification based on Leemann (2015) and Martínez-Gallardo et al (2022). We distinguish between the economic-distributive dimension (state-market divide, pensions, and labour rights); the socio-cultural dimension (gender, sexual rights, environment, and public security), and the institutional dimension (modifications to the electoral regime and interbranch relations).…”

Section: Mdd Use In Uruguay During Centre-right and Centre-left Gover...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Direct Democracy in the Hands of the Opposition Under Alternating Ideological Coalitions in Uruguay (1985–2022)

Antía

Vairo

2023

Journal of Politics in Latin America

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Uruguay stands out as an exceptional case for having a vibrant party system, stable democracy, and frequent use of direct democracy mechanisms (MDDs). Previous research has explained the use of MDDs as a means of opposing centre-right governments, but it has failed to explain the subsequent use of these mechanisms during the period of alternation between the major ideological blocs in government after 2005. We make an empirical contribution by describing the practice of direct democracy actions and explaining their fate through a qualitative comparative analysis that assesses how well the theoretical expectations proposed by Altman are borne out in the Uruguayan case in the latest period. We conclude that the politics of direct democracy change when ideological blocs alternate in government and that direct democracy initiatives fail due to the lack of lobbying power, high government approval rates, or non-concurrency of the vote with the presidential election in the context of a positive economic environment.

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Revisiting party system structuration in Latin America and Europe: Economic and socio-cultural dimensions

Cited by 15 publications

References 39 publications

Divisive Issues, Polarization, and Users’ Reactions on Facebook: Comparing Campaigning in Latin America

Divisive Issues, Polarization, and Users’ Reactions on Facebook: Comparing Campaigning in Latin America

Introduction: The New Polarization in Latin America

Direct Democracy in the Hands of the Opposition Under Alternating Ideological Coalitions in Uruguay (1985–2022)

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