Revolutionary Egypt

Abou-El-Fadl, Reem

doi:10.4324/9781315717036

Cited by 10 publications

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“…42 Prasyarat ini muncul dari satu prinsip yang disebut dharuriyyat 'aqliyyah (keharusan yang bersifat rasional) bagi hubungan yang benar-benar logis antara wakil, Tuannya, dan perintah-perintah dalam sistem ajaran Islam. 43 Prasyarat yang ditetapkan oleh Khaled berbeda dengan yang telah ditetapkan oleh para ulama terdahulu, khususnya dalam hal pengendalian diri. Misalnya pendapat al-Ghazali dan al-Razi, yang menganggap bahwa hal terpenting bagi seorang mujtahid, bahkan sebelum ilmu pengetahuan Islam, adalah kesanggupan ABDULLOH HANIF intelektual untuk menarik deduksi-deduksi.…”

Section: Abdulloh Hanifunclassified

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Tinjauan Dekonstruktif Atas Konsep Otoritas Khaled M. Abou El-Fadl

Hanif

2020

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This article discusses a deconstructive review of the concept of authority of Khaled M. Abou el-Fadl. The phenomenon of authoritarianism is now the most troubling phenomenon for the development of contemporary Islamic thought. This phenomenon not only describes a rigid and undeveloped tradition of Islamic thought, but also has an impact on immoderate socio-religious behavior. Khaled M. Abou el-Fadl described this phenomenon as a consequence of human representation of Islamic authority. In terms of representation by authoritative humans, humans are often treated authoritatively and out of the substance of Islamic authority itself. This authoritarian attitude in treating the authoritative foundation of Islam is what Khaled calls authoritarianism. It can reside in humans and manipulate meanings into interpretations which often only serve the interests of some people. Through the deconstruction method, authoritarianism does not only appear as an arbitrary attitude towards authority, but also shows a conceptual network that indirectly shifts the construction of authority itself. Khaled, besides showing an attitude of "overcoming" authority, also shows the loss of the element of morality from the authority structure itself. So that the phenomenon of authoritarianism is not only a problem of intellectuality, but also morality, between humans and authorities in discourse space.

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Section: Abdulloh Hanifunclassified

“…56 Sementara dalam konsepsi moderat, Tuhan pada dasarnya adalah moral. 57 Jadi, mungkin dapat disimpulkan sementara bahwa pemikiran moderat menjadi antitesis dari otoritarianisme.…”

Section: E Jaringan Konseptual Otoritasunclassified

Tinjauan Dekonstruktif Atas Konsep Otoritas Khaled M. Abou El-Fadl

Hanif

2020

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“…With the symbolic victory of Suez in 1956, Cairo loomed large as an anti-colonial hub. 106 With mounting Cold War paranoia, colonial governments restricted African access to institutions such as ASC, despite British Labour Party insistence that African participation in international socialism was the best means to hem in communism. 109 Brockway was particularly vocal, imploring the Colonial Office to return the confiscated passport of Paulo Muwanga, youth president of the Uganda National Congress, former student in India, and an invitee to the ASC Bombay conference and IUSY gatherings in Vienna and Tampere, Finland, in 1956.…”

Section: Bombay To Cairomentioning

confidence: 99%

Where was the Afro in Afro-Asian Solidarity? Africa's 'Bandung Moment' in 1950s Asia

McCann¹

2019

Journal of World History

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Africans are staged but not often heard in discussions of the 'Bandung moment', a high-watermark of decolonial possibility and Afro-Asian connection. This article foregrounds the agency and perspectives of African activists who travelled across Asia in the 1950s. In Delhi, Rangoon and Bandung, Africans engaged, co-produced and made useable the dialogical Afro-Asian world to deconstruct colonialism and engineer alternative futures. The piece tracks these dynamics through three interlocked arenas of Afro-Asian affinity: journeys of African students to India from the 1940s; African participation in the Asian Socialist Conference in Burma, 1953-1956, and, as the geographies of Afro-Asianism shifted, radicalized and splintered, African activism within the Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Organization in Cairo from 1957. It reveals how the overlapping internationalisms of these fora reinforced a dyad of anti-colonial politics and development in the construction of African nationhood and pan-African community. This article breaks new ground in privileging the Afro in Afro-Asian. In June 1954, the Asian Socialist Conference (ASC) published the first edition of its Anti-Colonial Bureau News Letter. After reporting the recent Bureau meeting in the Burmese hill-station of Kalaw, the news became overwhelmingly African: political crisis in Buganda, a new constitution for Tanganyika, Mau Mau and Kwame Nkrumah's electoral success in Gold Coast. The editor of the News Letter and Joint Secretary of the ASC, working in Rangoon, Burma, was a young West African journalist, James Gilbert Markham. 2 His mission: to wrangle the ideological and organizational potency of Asian national liberations and Afro-Asian solidarity towards expedited freedom for Africa and his own flagship country, Gold Coast/Ghana. Jim Markham was Nkrumah's man in Asia as the 'Bandung moment' approached its powerful and fleeting crescendo. Markham's journey to Burma and the landmark 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia, was one track in the dense traffic of anti-colonial solidarity 1 Thanks to all members of the 'Afro-Asian Networks Research Collective'

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“…117 Pictures of Nasser were prominently displayed in the protests and the (post-1979) national anthem sung in Tahrir Square. 118 Keenly attuned to the power of such cultural identification, state radio and television channels broadcast the patriotic songs of the 1960s throughout the days following the fall of Mubarak. 119 To turn this nationalist inheritance into a support for strategic counter-revolution would require a much more organised form, one that could win over even part of the revolutionary movement itself.…”

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confidence: 99%

Counter-revolution as international phenomenon: the case of Egypt

Allinson

2019

Rev. Int. Stud.

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This article argues that the case of the Egyptian 2011 revolution forces us to rethink accounts of counter-revolution in International Relations. The debate over whether the events of 2011–13 in Egypt should be considered a ‘revolution’ or merely a ‘revolt’ or ‘uprising’ reflects an understanding of revolutions as closed and discrete events, and therefore of international counter-revolution as significant only after revolutionary movements have seized sovereign power. Against this account, which maintains the idea of sovereignty as the boundary between domestic/social and international/ geopolitical phenomena, I argue that counter-revolutions can operate across boundaries during revolutionary situations before and to prevent revolutionary transformation and therefore affect whether a revolutionary sovereign power is established at all. Such counter-revolutions draw upon both the ideological inheritance of historical strategies of international ‘catch-up’, and the cross-border class relations that these different strategies bring into being. In the Egyptian case, the counter-revolution thus relied upon two factors deriving from this strategy: the ideological inheritance of Nasserism as a response to international hierarchy, and the integration of the post-Nasser Egyptian ruling elite with Gulf financial, and US security, networks.

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Revolutionary Egypt

Cited by 10 publications

References 0 publications

Tinjauan Dekonstruktif Atas Konsep Otoritas Khaled M. Abou El-Fadl

Tinjauan Dekonstruktif Atas Konsep Otoritas Khaled M. Abou El-Fadl

Where was the Afro in Afro-Asian Solidarity? Africa's 'Bandung Moment' in 1950s Asia

Counter-revolution as international phenomenon: the case of Egypt

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