Sobre a sintaxe da interpretação temporal dos infinitivos em português

Resende, Maurício Sartori

doi:10.21165/el.v50i1.2891

Cited by 1 publication

(3 citation statements)

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“…Additionally, such infinitives can also appear in typical nominal positions as subjects, in (12). Moreover, Resende (2021) takes clefting as a piece of evidence for claiming that BP can cleft DPs, but not CPs. And, Iordăchioaia (2013) argues that pronominalization attests the presence of DP (even with default φ-features), in ( 14 In short, in the spirit of Brito (2012Brito ( , 2013, Oliveira (2014) and Resende (2020), we assume that the data in ( 8)-( 10) are instances of mixed nominalizations, in the sense of Chomsky (1970), due to the presence of the determiners.…”

Section: A Survey On the Morphosyntax Of Portuguese Infinitivesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, the discussion on the (non-overt) projections introducing TP-clauses is a topic that goes beyond our purposes -but see Resende (2021) for a proposal. For what matters here, mixed infinitives, when embedded, will obey the algorithm in (37), and the question on the functional projection introducing them (DP, CP, etc.)…”

Section: The Pieces Of the Infinitivesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In turn, syntactically the concerns revolve around the tense of infinitives and their relation to other phrases and manly to what kind of syntactic setting (raising, control, etc.) relates them -see Stowell (1982), Bošcović (1996), Martin (2001), Landau (2004), Wurmbrand (2014), and also Raposo (1987a), Ambar (2000), Pires (2006), Gonçalves, Cunha & Silvano (2016), Gonçalves, Santos & Duarte (2014) for discussion on EP and Modesto (2007) and Resende (2021) on BP.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Portuguese infinitives: their pieces and their meaning

Resende

Oliveira

2022

Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

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Traditionally taken as one of the nominals forms of the verb, infinitives in Portuguese, in spite of their morphophonological homogeneity (-r), appear in a range of morphosyntactic contexts. This paper argues that all these contexts can be reduced to three, namely, a nominal, a verbal and a “mixed” – in the sense of Chomsky (1970). Specifically, by assuming Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz, 1993), it proposes a step-by-step morphosyntactic and semantic derivation of the contexts where the /R/-morpheme appears, also addressing the issues involving tense and aspect in these forms. In summary, we argue that nominal, verbal and mixed infinitives share the same derivational path up to AspP, which – we claim – is underdetermined, thus competing with (perfective) participles and (imperfective) gerunds. Above AspP, the first bifurcation is between no and T. Projecting no generates a predicate of events. By projecting T (in verbal and mixed infinitives), the system has a three-way path: T[+tense], where T will be futurate in relation to the finite matrix verb; T[–tense], where T will be simultaneous /anaphoric in respect to the finite matrix verb; or T[ ], where there is no c-commanding T and then, as last resort, the grammar will change this phrase into a predicate of events.

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Section: A Survey On the Morphosyntax Of Portuguese Infinitivesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Pieces Of the Infinitivesmentioning

confidence: 99%