Sociology of Tristan da Cunha

Münch, Peter

doi:10.2307/211203

Geographical Review

1947

DOI: 10.2307/211203

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Sociology of Tristan da Cunha

Peter Münch¹

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1997

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Cited by 3 publications

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“…It spans an area of approximately 38 square miles, of which only some 3 square miles is suitable for settlement and agriculture. Tristan da Cunha was first discovered by the Portuguese in 1506; thereafter it was used by sailors as a stopover for replenishing supplies (Munch, 1945). In 1816 the British established a garrison on Tristan to prevent the French from rescuing Napoleon Bonaparte, who was in exile on St. Helena, some 1,350 miles to the north.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…and two children, plus two other men (John Nankivel and Samuel Burnell), were granted permission to remain on Tristan (Munch, 1945). This was the start of the first permanent settlement on the island.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…This was the start of the first permanent settlement on the island. Only Glass and his wife contributed to the gene pool of the current population; the other two men left Tristan for Cape Town to sell the island's produce and did not return (Munch, 1945).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Subsequently, both male and female immigrants arrived on Tristan and the genealogy of the islanders has been reconstructed from family and church records (Munch, 1945;Roberts, 1968). Altogether, the current gene pool can be traced to 22 ancestors which includes seven females and 15 males.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…and A.S.), of Anglo-Irish descent, arrived in 1908. Little is known about the women from St. Helena and Cape Town, but it has been suggested that they were of mixed ancestry (Munch, 1945).…”

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confidence: 99%

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The founding mitochondrial DNA lineages of Tristan da Cunha Islanders

Soodyall

Jenkins

Mukherjee

et al. 1997

Am. J. Phys. Anthropol.

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Genealogical histories show that the inhabitants of Tristan da Cunha are derived from a known number of founders. Using the transmission of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) from mother to offspring pairs, we traced the mtDNA types found in 161 extant individuals to five female founders. Although the historical data claimed that two pairs of sisters were among the founding females, mtDNA data showed support for only one pair of sisters. We also studied the fidelity of mtDNA transmission in conjunction with the genealogical data. We did not detect any mutations from 698 base pairs of sequence data from 75 individuals, which together accounted for 108 independent transmissions of mtDNA from mother to offspring. Based on this observation, we estimate that the mtDNA mutation rate is no more than one new mutation every 36 transmissions. These results indicate a high fidelity of maternal mtDNA transmission and support the utility of mtDNA in evolutionary and forensic studies.

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The founding mitochondrial DNA lineages of Tristan da Cunha Islanders

Soodyall

Jenkins

Mukherjee

et al. 1997

Am. J. Phys. Anthropol.

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The segmental phonology of nineteenth-century Tristan da Cunha English: convergence and local innovation

Schreier¹,

Trudgill

2006

English Language and Linguistics

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This article looks into convergence processes that involve distinct phonological systems in dialect contact situations, exemplified by the variety of English that developed on Tristan da Cunha, an island in the South Atlantic Ocean. Based on a discussion of the community's social history and an auditory analysis of the segmental phonology of late nineteenth-century Tristan da Cunha English, this article reconstructs the early contact scenario and looks into both phonological convergence and independent innovative mechanisms that accompany new-dialect formation. The data presented here show that dialect contact gives rise to mixing of several inputs (so that ‘new’ dialects draw features from several ancestral varieties), that the interaction of transplanted dialects may also trigger independent, variety-specific mechanisms, and that the interplay of feature retention, input mixing, and local innovation lead to distinctive and (on occasion) endemic varieties of English.

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Cooperation and competition in peaceful societies.

Bonta

1997

Psychological Bulletin

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Most of the world's nonviolent societies base their peaceful worldviews on cooperation and an opposition to competition. Although they have nurturant, affiliative societies, many raise their children to be hesitant and fearful about the intentions of others so that they will internalize nonviolent values and never take their peacefulness, or that of others, for granted. The children in these societies lack competitive games; although they are loved as babies, by the time they are 2 or 3 years old, they are made to feel no more important than others. These societies devalue achievement because it leads to competition and aggressiveness, which leads to violence they feel. Their rituals reinforce their cooperative, harmonious beliefs and behaviors. They have internalized their peaceful, cooperative values so that their psychological structures accord with their beliefs in nonviolence.Most people in the United States, according to A. Kohn (1986), fervently believe in competition: It is a fundamental aspect of human nature; people live in a dog-eat-dog world; people need to compete to survive and prosper. Competition, it is argued, is necessary for the United States' economic prosperity, and it is essential for achievement in sports, science, arts, and music (Abra, 1993).However, many social scientists do not share this enthusiasm for competition. The investigations of some psychological researchers reflect an unease about the supposed competitive nature of humanity and its benefits to society. Whatever the views of the researchers may be, there is undeniably an extensive literature on the psychology of competition and cooperation.Most of the literature is limited, however, by its focus on the United States, and to some extent European, cooperation and competition; this limits the studies to issues that are appropriate to the competitive Western context. For instance, researchers have investigated many ramifications of whether a cooperative or competitive environment fosters higher levels of achievement. However, in their research, they did not appear to ask an even more fundamental question: Is an emphasis on achievement, whether produced by cooperation or competition, really essential to Western societies? To ask questions such as this, to really examine the essence of cooperation and competition as manifestations of human cultures, researchers need to step back from their U. S. and European participants and look at the ways these elements of human behavior are handled in societies that are not so competitive.Much as international exchange faculty gain fresh perspectives on their own societies by living abroad (Dudden, 1987), particularly in significantly different cultures, researchers interested in competition and cooperation can gain valuable reflections from the mirrors provided by very different, less competitive societies. The images are often quite unlike the originals:

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Sociology of Tristan da Cunha

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

The founding mitochondrial DNA lineages of Tristan da Cunha Islanders

The founding mitochondrial DNA lineages of Tristan da Cunha Islanders

The segmental phonology of nineteenth-century Tristan da Cunha English: convergence and local innovation

Cooperation and competition in peaceful societies.

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