State-labour relations in illiberal times: The dissolution of social dialogue in Hungary

Labanino, Rafael Pablo

doi:10.1007/978-3-658-27043-8_6

Cited by 8 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…New actors face a different dilemma: they are successful in short-term mobilisation and in agenda-setting but prove incapable of building up an organisation (Szabó, 2017). In Hungary this is exacerbated by an increasingly authoritarian political context (Scheppele, 2018), with a government particularly hostile to organised labour and interest intermediation (Labanino, 2020). Below we briefly review these theoretical frameworks and formulate expectations about actors' strategies.…”

Section: Inertia and Innovati On In Pub LI C S Ec Tor Intere S T Org ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…New actors face their own dilemmas. Between 2011 and 2013 the Orbán government radically liberalised employment protection legislation and effectively abolished tripartite interest intermediation (Labanino, 2020; Szabó, 2013). An analysis of Hungarian union strategies in other public sectors found an inertia in the responses of established unions and only limited innovation capacity from new unions and professional organisations (Szabó, 2017).…”

Section: Inertia and Innovation In Public Sector Interest Organisatio...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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‘The goal is not necessarily to sit at the table’—Resisting autocratic legalism in Hungarian academia

Labanino

Dobbins

2020

Higher Education Quarterly

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The article analyses the strategies of Hungarian higher education interest organisations against the encroachments on academic freedom by Viktor Orbán's governments. We contrast the 2012–2013 and 2017–2019 protest waves and find that innovations in strategy came from new organisations in both periods, whereas established ones were rather passive or opted for the status quo. However, in the second period, new actors consciously declined to pursue wider systemic goals and aimed at building up formal organisations instead of loose, movement‐like networks. The focus on keeping a unified front and interest representation on the workplace level did not change the overall outcome. Just like during the first period, the government was able to reach its goals without major concessions. Nevertheless, during the second protest wave the government was unable to divide and pacify its opponents, which stripped it of its legalistic strategy and revealed its authoritarianism.

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Section: Inertia and Innovati On In Pub LI C S Ec Tor Intere S T Org ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Inertia and Innovation In Public Sector Interest Organisatio...mentioning

confidence: 99%

‘The goal is not necessarily to sit at the table’—Resisting autocratic legalism in Hungarian academia

Labanino

Dobbins

2020

Higher Education Quarterly

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“…First, the analysis of the so-called unobtrusive data sources (i.e., protocols of public consultations; e.g., Klüver 2009 ) is hardly feasible in CEE. Public databases of political consultations with interest groups have only recently emerged in many CEE countries, while in others, interest intermediation platforms have been dismantled (in particular Hungary, see Labanino 2020 ). Furthermore, unlike at the EU level, no online civic consultation platforms operate in our target countries.…”

Section: A New Comparative Interest Group Surveymentioning

confidence: 99%

Organized interests in post-communist policy-making: a new dataset for comparative research

et al. 2022

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This article familiarizes readers with the international research project ‘The Missing Link: Exploring Organized Interests in Post-Communist Policy-Making’ (OrgIntCEE). The project team has focused on how populations of organized interests in the region have evolved, how they interact with state institutions as well as the group-specific characteristics driving access to policy-makers. The project also explores how Europeanization has affected post-communist interest groups as well as other factors contributing to their “coming-of-age.” We provide a comprehensive overview of the population ecology and survey datasets, while shedding light on the challenges during the data collection process. After a short overview of the project context and structure, we present some country-specific aggregated data on organizational densities and their political activity. We also reflect on potential uses for the data, before wrapping up the article with a self-critical assessment of what could have been done differently as a roadmap for future research.

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“…The OÉT was dissolved and a new, national-level consultative body was formed in which government representatives are merely observers. For the private sector, nevertheless, a new tripartite, albeit also consultative forum was set up in February 2012, the Permanent Consultation Forum of the Private Sector and the Government (VKF-Versenyszféra és a Kormány Állandó Konzultációs Fóruma) (Labanino 2020).…”

Section: Hungary: Energy Consultation Forums and Share Of Consultationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Towards energy policy corporatism in Central and Eastern Europe?

2021

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This paper contributes to our understanding of interest intermediation structures in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and, specifically, whether, which, how and to what extent organized interests are incorporated into policy-making processes. Unlike previous studies primarily focusing on patterns of economic coordination (Jahn 2016), we focus on energy policy-making in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia. We address the extent to which these energy interest intermediation systems are gravitating towards a more corporatist policy-making paradigm and whether corporatist arrangements have been dismantled in view of the new wave of national conservatism in CEE. We offer a complex operationalization of corporatism based on concrete indicators and present the results of a survey of energy interest groups operating in the region. It covers questions regarding interest intermediation between the organized interests and the government, regulatory authorities as well as the degree of policy coordination and political exchange with the state and between rivalling organizations, enabling us to derive a “corporatism score” for each national institutional setting and discuss them in the light of Jahn’s (2016) corporatism rankings for the region. We show that—despite striking differences—at least rudimentary corporatist interest intermediation structures have emerged with some variations of pluralism and statism in all four countries.

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State-labour relations in illiberal times: The dissolution of social dialogue in Hungary

Cited by 8 publications

References 15 publications

‘The goal is not necessarily to sit at the table’—Resisting autocratic legalism in Hungarian academia

‘The goal is not necessarily to sit at the table’—Resisting autocratic legalism in Hungarian academia

Organized interests in post-communist policy-making: a new dataset for comparative research

Towards energy policy corporatism in Central and Eastern Europe?

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