Subjunctive Complements, Null Subjects and Case Checking in Bulgarian

Krapova, Iliyana

doi:10.1075/cilt.182.14kra

“…There are arguments and counter-arguments for each position, as my own earlier work has also shown (Krapova 1999(Krapova , 2001). On the one hand, both če and da are free functional morphemes and as such are excellent candidates for a left peripheral position.…”

Section: Da In C?mentioning

confidence: 88%

Complementizers and particles inside and outside of the left periphery: The case of Bulgarian revisited

Krapova¹

2021

Clausal Complementation in South Slavic

Self Cite

4

0

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The paper discusses the organization of the left periphery in Bulgarian and argues that it has a rich articulation guided by the general syntactic principles as established on a wide cross-linguistic basis. Bulgarian shows several points of dissociation with respect to the original theoretical template established by Rizzi's 1997 seminal work. The paper discusses these points and brings new empirical evidence about the hierarchical ordering of complementizers in Bulgarian. The evidence shows that the declarative complementizer is merged in a low position within the left periphery and may optionally raise to the position related to the illocutionary force of the embedded clause, while the interrogative complementizers dispose of different and higher dedicated positions, as inferred from their relative order with respect to different types of contrastively focussed phrase. The paper also discusses the controversial modal particle da and argues that it does not occupy a position within the left periphery but given the independently established left peripheral positions, a mechanism is proposed about how its modal and finiteness features are related to selection and to veridicality as the guiding principle behind the organization of the left periphery of Bulgarian.

show abstract

“…The concept 'Balkan subjunctive' however has turned out to be rather misfortunate since there is no verbal subjunctive morphology in these languages, though the verb in the indicative may show signs of either finiteness or of nonfiniteness according to the specific syntactic configuration in which the 'subjunctive' occurs (see Krapova and Cinque 2018 for more details). This ambiguity, arguably attributed to the modal particle itself, raises the question of its syntactic position within the Infl area of CORE2 or -alternatively -within the C-domain (see Rivero 1994;Rudin 1993;Krapova 1999, and especially Pitsch 2018 for a thorough discussion of many different types of da-clauses).…”

Section: Distribution Of Declarative and Interrogative Complementizersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Clausal complementation in South Slavic

Nikolić

¹

2022

Canadian Slavonic Papers

0

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This volume presents a collection of articles that share a focus on South Slavic languages and clausal complementation. They offer insights on this topic from various perspectives, taking up issues relevant not only for specialists of (South) Slavic languages, but also for the broader linguistic community interested in clause combining, areal linguistics, language contact, diachronic syntax and/or corpus linguistics. In their entirety, the studies assembled here cover the entire linguistic geography of South Slavic, including exclave varieties in Italy as well as contact with non-Slavic languages such as Albanian and Hungarian.The volume arose from the workshop "Variation in space and time: clausal complementation in South Slavic," which was funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation and organized by the editors on March 17-19, 2016, at the University of Zurich. Most of the contributors to this volume were also participants in that workshop. We thank every author for their continued motivation to contribute to this joint endeavor, which, as we hope, will help establish directions for the study of clause combining, in particular of clausal complementation, in Slavic languages in a modern framework. We are also obliged to an anonymous reviewer who provided thoroughgoing and valuable comments on every article and to Giulia Morra for her assistance in creating the index. Moreover, we thank the publishing house De Gruyter and, in particular, the editors in charge of the TiLSM series for taking our volume on board.

show abstract

“…The concept 'Balkan subjunctive' however has turned out to be rather misfortunate since there is no verbal subjunctive morphology in these languages, though the verb in the indicative may show signs of either finiteness or of nonfiniteness according to the specific syntactic configuration in which the 'subjunctive' occurs (see Krapova and Cinque 2018 for more details). This ambiguity, arguably attributed to the modal particle itself, raises the question of its syntactic position within the Infl area of CORE2 or -alternatively -within the C-domain (see Rivero 1994;Rudin 1993;Krapova 1999, and especially Pitsch 2018 for a thorough discussion of many different types of da-clauses).…”

Section: Distribution Of Declarative and Interrogative Complementizersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Clausal Complementation in South Slavic

Sonnenhauser¹,

Wiemer²

2021

0

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The paper discusses the organization of the left periphery in Bulgarian and argues that it has a rich articulation guided by the general syntactic principles as established on a wide cross-linguistic basis. Bulgarian shows several points of dissociation with respect to the original theoretical template established by Rizzi's 1997 seminal work. The paper discusses these points and brings new empirical evidence about the hierarchical ordering of complementizers in Bulgarian. The evidence shows that the declarative complementizer is merged in a low position within the left periphery and may optionally raise to the position related to the illocutionary force of the embedded clause, while the interrogative complementizers dispose of different and higher dedicated positions, as inferred from their relative order with respect to different types of contrastively focussed phrase. The paper also discusses the controversial modal particle da and argues that it does not occupy a position within the left periphery but given the independently established left peripheral positions, a mechanism is proposed about how its modal and finiteness features are related to selection and to veridicality as the guiding principle behind the organization of the left periphery of Bulgarian.

show abstract

Subjunctive Complements, Null Subjects and Case Checking in Bulgarian

Cited by 16 publications

References 0 publications

Complementizers and particles inside and outside of the left periphery: The case of Bulgarian revisited

Complementizers and particles inside and outside of the left periphery: The case of Bulgarian revisited

Clausal complementation in South Slavic

Clausal Complementation in South Slavic

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About