Subordonnées circonstancielles et dépendance sémantique. Comparaison, concession et condition : grammaticalisation et sens des connecteurs

Shyldkrot, Hava Bat-Zeev

doi:10.3406/flang.1995.987

Cited by 9 publications

(1 citation statement)

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“…Support of a non-discrete nature of linguistic structure may be found in a variety of studies regarding categorization. A partial exemplification would begin with prototype theory (Rosch, 1973;Filmore, 1975), hierarchy of categories (Ross, 1972;, components of grammar and in particular morphology (Anderson, 1982), and a partial overlap of semantic categories such as contrast, condition, concession and temporals (Quirk et al, 1985;Harris, 1986;Harris, 1988;Bat-Zeev Shyldkrot, 1995;2001). More recent evidence of a continuous structure of language is found in other research areas.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

From addition to concession: Hebrew "gam" 'also'

Shyldkrot

Shefer²

2019

Thélème

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This article investigates the internal structure of the Hebrew particle gam (“also”) from the perspective of construction grammar. Hebrew gam seems to exhibit meanings of both addition and concession, as a single particle and through compounds such as ma gam (“all the more so”), gam kaxa (“as it is”) and gam im (“even”). The findings reveal that the interpretation of the various meanings realized by the construction result from the interaction of syntactic, semantic and pragmatic factors which in turn lead to a form-meaning pairing associated with conventional meanings. The article argues that gam functions as a partly– schematic construction which displays non-discrete meanings ranging from addition at one end of a continuum through polysemous cases which display both addition and concession to concession at the other end of the continuum.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

From addition to concession: Hebrew "gam" 'also'

Shyldkrot

Shefer²

2019

Thélème

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Non-optimal argumentation: The case of ‘at most’ constructions

Katzir

2019

Journal of Pragmatics

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The missing link between truth and intensification

Bardenstein

Ariel

2021

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Truth markers commonly evolve into intensifiers (Heine & Kuteva 2002), but we here argue that this shift is only indirect, and a counter-loosening phase necessarily mediates between truth marking and intensification. Counter-looseners instruct the addressee to avoid (or rather, constrain) the very natural interpretative process of broadening, whereby the speaker-intended concept would have been taken as a loosened, “more or less” interpretation of the meaning of the modified expression (Carston 2002). We provide a diachronic analysis for Hebrew mamash ‘really’, which supports our point, and we reinterpret diachronic analyses of other truth markers in order to show that they too underwent a counter-loosening phase before turning intensifiers. Finally, we briefly distinguish between a counter-loosening mediated intensifier evolution (for truth markers, particularizers and maximizers) and a direct evolutionary path into intensification for originally upscaling expressions (extreme scalar modifiers and augmenters).

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Subordonnées circonstancielles et dépendance sémantique. Comparaison, concession et condition : grammaticalisation et sens des connecteurs

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

From addition to concession: Hebrew "gam" 'also'

From addition to concession: Hebrew "gam" 'also'

Non-optimal argumentation: The case of ‘at most’ constructions

The missing link between truth and intensification

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