The grammaticalization of -kotok- into a negative marker in Manda (Bantu N.11)

Bernander, Rasmus

doi:10.1515/ling-2018-0007

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…Diachronically speaking, we have shown that -téekw-and -lina began to meaningfully express necessity around the 1930s and 1980s respectively, while -andi-'s involvement in expressing necessity has been stable throughout the period covered by the corpus. Although we could not show with empirical corpus evidence which marker(s) was/were used to convey necessity in earlier time periods, our assumption, partly based on evidence from older literature on Luganda and comparative evidence from Manda (Bernander 2017), is that necessity was expressed by less-grammaticalised markers, such as the verb -étaag-and/or modal auxiliaries such as -gwán(ír)-, whose use has greatly reduced.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 72%

A corpus-driven study of the expression of necessity in Luganda (Bantu, JE15)

Kawalya

Schryver

Bostoen

2019

Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies

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This article reports on the analysis of three major markers of necessity in Luganda, i.e. the modal auxiliaries -téekw-and -lina and the verbal prefix -andi-. On the basis a 4-million-word corpus it is argued that, overall, the auxiliary -téekw-is more established as a necessity marker, as it is involved in the expression of all necessity subcategories except participant-inherent dynamic necessity. The auxiliary -lina is less semantically diversified, expressing only participant-imposed, situational and deontic necessity, while the verbal prefix -andi-expresses only deontic necessity. A comparison of corpus data with data from older literature on Luganda further shows that the objective category of participant-inherent dynamic necessity, which is not associated with any of the three markers described, is perhaps expressed by less-grammaticalised forms. These forms are also, together with other grammaticalised forms that have increasingly become rare, assumed to be part of the devices that could have been responsible for expressing necessity in earlier stages of the language, given that the three markers described in this research have only begun to meaningfully express necessity since the second half of the 20th century. Introduction: The rationale for studying the necessity markers -téekw-, -lina and -andi-The understanding of necessity adopted in this article is that it is one of the two major sub-domains of modality, the other being possibility (Palmer 1986: 20; van der Auwera and Plungian 1998: 80; Kratzer 2012: 28). We use the typology proposed by Nuyts (2006, see also Nuyts 2016), in which three types of necessity are recognised. Dynamic necessity concerns 'the indication of a need or necessity for the first-argument participant' (Nuyts 2006: 3). If the needs or necessities are fully inherent to the first-argument participant or subject, it is referred to as participant-inherent dynamic necessity. If the necessity is determined by external circumstances, it is participant-imposed dynamic necessity, and for necessities/inevitabilities inherent in the situation described in the state of affairs, it is called situational dynamic necessity. Deontic necessity is generally defined as an assessment of the degree of moral acceptability of the state of affairs, while epistemic necessity is concerned with a high likelihood or probability that the state of affairs expressed in the clause applies in the world.In (older) Luganda dictionaries, grammars and handbooks, a number of forms with meanings associated with the concept of 'necessity' can be identified. These forms, some of which are auxiliaries or auxiliary-like verbs, include -téekw-'must, be obliged, be bound', -étaag-'need, require, want, desire, crave, long for', -gwán(ír)-'ought, be expedient, be necessary, be obligatory, must, be fitting, be suitable, behove', -sáan(ir)-'ought, be behoved' and -lina 'have' (see O'Flaherty 1892;

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 72%

A corpus-driven study of the expression of necessity in Luganda (Bantu, JE15)

Kawalya

Schryver

Bostoen

2019

Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies

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“…Schadeberg (n.d.: 8-9;2002: 187-188) reconstructs the verb*kòt-ʊk as a derived verb stem consisting of a reflex of the separative extension *-ʊk suffixed to the verb *kòt 'stoop, be bent', thus yielding the separative meaning 'straighten (oneself)' and, by extension, 'quit and go home from work'. As shown by Bernander (2018) for Manda and neighboring languages that have developed a negator out of reflexes of this verb, however, the verb has undergone a lexico-semantic shift to a more generalized cessative verb 'quit, stop', as in (5) above.…”

Section: Verb Rootmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Finally, there are attestations of the same verb, even in the same construction, having developed different negative functions with different distributional patterns in a contiguous set of sister languages. One example is kotoka in southern Tanzania (Bernander 2018;Devos Forthcoming), which function as a non-declarative negator alone in Matengo (N13) and Kisi (G67) but as both a non-declarative negator and a negator of infinitives in Ngoni (N12). In Manda (N11) and Mpoto (N14) kotoka may additionally function as a negator of relative clauses, in the case of the latter, or adverbial clauses, in the case of the former.…”

Section: Synchronic Overlap Variation and Diachronic Changementioning

confidence: 99%

Bantu negative verbs: a typological-comparative investigation of form, function and distribution

Bernander¹,

Devos²,

Gibson³

2023

lla

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This paper investigates the use of verbs in the expression of negation across Bantu. The development of erstwhile lexical verbs into markers of negation is an understudied yet widespread phenomenon across the language family. In this sample of 100 languages, we identify a range of pathways as well as specific functions performed by such verbs. Specifically, we identify the use of both intrinsic negative verbs -i.e. those with inherent negative meanings -and extrinsic negative verbs -i.e. those which do not have an inherently negative meaning, but which have assumed dedicated negative functions through their use in specific constructions. This latter category can further be divided into two subtypes: those with negative inflectional material and those without. Across our sample, we explore the use of negative verbs in main clauses, non-declarative clauses such as prohibitives and interrogatives, non-verbal predicative clauses, as well as in non-main clause contexts such as in complement, relative and adverbial clauses. We further explore negative verbs for negation of infinitives and in non-clausal negation. In this endeavor, we offer a refined understanding of the development and distribution of verbs as negators in Bantu languages, while also broadening our understanding of negation in general.

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The Preverbal Negation Particle esə in Kalmyk: Historical Development and Typological Context of Negators in Subordinate Clause

Baranova

2019

Intern. Journ Eur Linguistics

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The goal of this paper is a comprehensive description of the negation particle esǝ, which is the single preverbal indicative negator in Kalmyk, whereas other negation markers are placed after the verb. The particle esǝ is mainly used in subordinate clauses. Judging from corpus data, it also occurs with a small number of finite forms in emphatic contexts such as rhetorical questions. This paper provides an explanation for both of these facts based on historical and typological considerations. More specifically, it will examine the results of the development of the negation system on a synchronic level, focusing on spoken data and corpora. It will also contribute to a broader understanding of negation in subordinate clause. A typological overview of sources for different markers in dependent clause shows that the Kalmyk case is uncommon cross-linguistically. An additional factor that plays a role here is the dichotomy finiteness vs. non-finiteness/nominalization.

show abstract

The grammaticalization of -kotok- into a negative marker in Manda (Bantu N.11)

Cited by 4 publications

References 17 publications

A corpus-driven study of the expression of necessity in Luganda (Bantu, JE15)

A corpus-driven study of the expression of necessity in Luganda (Bantu, JE15)

Bantu negative verbs: a typological-comparative investigation of form, function and distribution

The Preverbal Negation Particle esə in Kalmyk: Historical Development and Typological Context of Negators in Subordinate Clause

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