The Intraparty Gender Gap: Differences between Male and
                                Female Voters in the 1980–2000 Presidential
                                Primaries

Norrander, Barbara

doi:10.1017/s104909650300204x

Cited by 7 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 15 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…The presence of these gaps will constitute evidence that gender and religious identification cross-pressure partisan identity. The results will extend a small literature on within-party gender gaps, which has found that gender cross-pressures partisanship, particularly among Republicans, in ways that shape policy attitudes and primary voting behavior (Barnes and Cassese 2017; Norrander 2003). This research has not looked closely at gender-based attitudes and general election dynamics, which are the focal point of the analysis presented below.…”

Section: Hypothesessupporting

confidence: 65%

Straying from the Flock? A Look at How Americans’ Gender and Religious Identities Cross-Pressure Partisanship

Cassese

2019

Political Research Quarterly

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

White evangelicals–both men and women–are a mainstay of the Republican Party. What accounts for their ongoing loyalty, particularly when Republican candidates and leaders fail to embody closely held moral standards around sexual monogamy and propriety, as Donald Trump did in 2016? To answer this question, I draw on research about social sorting and polarization, as well as gender and religion gaps in public opinion, to theorize about the nature of the cross-pressures partisans may experience as a result of the religious and gender identifications they hold. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Study, I evaluate whether cross-cutting identities have a moderating effect on partisans’ thinking about gender issues, their evaluations of the presidential candidates, and their relationship to the parties. I find only modest evidence that gender and evangelical identification impact political thinking among white Republicans, including their reactions to the Access Hollywood tape. Other groups, however, experienced more significant cross-pressures in 2016. Both evangelical Democrats and secular Republicans reported less polarized affective reactions to the presidential candidates and the parties. The results highlight the contingent role that gender and religious identities play in the United States’ highly polarized political climate.

show abstract

Section: Hypothesessupporting

confidence: 65%

Straying from the Flock? A Look at How Americans’ Gender and Religious Identities Cross-Pressure Partisanship

Cassese

2019

Political Research Quarterly

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Most studies agree that it is a mix of demographic, contextual, and institutional elements. We see higher percentages of female legislators in states with larger pools of potential female candidates (Sanbonmatsu 2006;Nechemias 1987;Rule 1990 andNorrander andWilcox 1998 and2005;Hogan 2001;Arceneaux 2001;Camobreco and Barnello 2003), higher percentages of minority populations (Norrander andWilcox 1998 and2005;Arceneaux 2001;Hogan 2001), liberal political ideologies (Norrander andWilcox 1998 and2005;Arceneaux 2001;Camobreco and Barnello 2003), and less professional legislatures (Hill 1981;Nechemias 1987;Arceneaux 2001;Hogan 2001). There is less agreement on the reasons for variations by race, ethnicity, and gender.…”

Section: Table 1 About Herementioning

confidence: 86%

Collective Representation as a Mobilizer: Race/Ethnicity, Gender, and Their Intersections at the State Level

Uhlaner

Scola

2016

State Politics Policy Q.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Prior research has found that descriptive representation by race, ethnicity, or gender increases political action, but it has paid less attention to how the intersection of these identities influences participation. We extend this literature by assessing the effects on voter turnout of collective descriptive representation in U.S. state legislatures on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender, and their intersections. We argue that members of historically excluded groups respond to the overall composition of their state's legislature.

show abstract

“…But, other scholars argue that there is little evidence of gender group consciousness (Conover 1988; Gurin 1985) and that women are equally if not more unlikely to vote for female candidates as men (Darcy and Schramm 1977; Karnig and Walter 1976). In the aggregate, the gender gap (while persistent) tends to be small with regard to support for parties and candidates (see Norrander 2003 for a review).…”

Section: Single‐member Districts: An Institutional Solution?mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Context Matters: The Effects of Single‐Member versus At‐Large Districts on City Council Diversity

Trounstine

Valdini

2008

American J Political Sci

184

134

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Scholars continue to debate the degree to which electoral institutions matter for representation. The literature predicts that minorities benefit from districts while women benefit from at-large elections. The mechanisms by which institutions affect the ability of traditionally underrepresented groups to win seats have been understudied. Using an analysis of over 7,000 cities and interviews with city councilors, we find that compared to at-large systems, district systems can increase diversity only when underrepresented groups are highly concentrated and compose a substantial portion of the population. In addition, we find that the electoral system has a significant effect on representation only for African American male and white female councilors; the proportion of African American women and Latina councilors is not affected by the use of either district or at-large systems.E xtensive research has been devoted to understanding the continuing underrepresentation of women and people of color in legislatures. At the city level scholars have found mixed results for the effect of singlemember district elections in increasing descriptive representation. Particularly in places where citywide elections were implemented to dilute the vote strength of racial groups, districts have been seen as a key factor in increasing racial and ethnic diversity. Alternatively for women, districts have been found to be detrimental to the election of female councilors. Scholars have proposed numerous, contradictory explanations for these findings. For minorities the focus has been on residential segregation and size of the group, while women are said to benefit from the multicandidate setting of at-large elections. For women of color these explanations are in direct conflict. This article contributes to this large literature by exploring the mechanisms by which institutions affect the representation of different groups, concurrently testing the segregation and group size hypotheses and taking into account the joint relationship between race and gender. for extremely helpful comments on drafts of the article, and Gretchen Kafoury for her very helpful advice on securing interviews with city council members. Benjamin Tagoe provided excellent research assistance. of the effect of different demographic contexts in varied institutional environments.As the Supreme Court anticipated in the landmark case Thornburg v. Gingles (1986), we demonstrate that compared to citywide elections, districts increase representation when a group is geographically concentrated and moderately sized. Further, we find districts only benefit black men. That is, the positive effect of districts is conditional on the context. Districts can increase opportunities for representation, but in some cases districts are not helpful. Only rarely do districts have a substantial impact. Taking advantage of variation among city institutional structures, council composition, and demographics, we use quantitative and qualitative methods to study these relationships. We analyze dat...

show abstract

The Intraparty Gender Gap: Differences between Male and Female Voters in the 1980–2000 Presidential Primaries

Cited by 7 publications

References 15 publications

Straying from the Flock? A Look at How Americans’ Gender and Religious Identities Cross-Pressure Partisanship

Straying from the Flock? A Look at How Americans’ Gender and Religious Identities Cross-Pressure Partisanship

Collective Representation as a Mobilizer: Race/Ethnicity, Gender, and Their Intersections at the State Level

The Context Matters: The Effects of Single‐Member versus At‐Large Districts on City Council Diversity

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About