The practice and study of civil resistance

Schock, Kurt

doi:10.1177/0022343313476530

Cited by 105 publications

(59 citation statements)

References 71 publications

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“…These strategies are believed to have differential effects on people's willingness to support the movements (Schock, 2013). These strategies are believed to have differential effects on people's willingness to support the movements (Schock, 2013).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The power of nonviolence: Confirming and explaining the success of nonviolent (rather than violent) political movements

Orazani

Leidner

2018

Euro J Social Psych

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Drawing on literatures on social movements and collective action, mentalization, and morality, four studies investigated whether a social movement's use of nonviolence can increase people's willingness to support and join the movement. In a correlational study with a nested design, across 23 movements perceived use of nonviolence predicted participants' willingness to support and join the movement (Study 1, n = 203). This effect was also found experimentally, with Americans supporting nonviolent movements more than violent ones, in hypothetical and real foreign countries (Study 2 and 3, ns = 606 and 373). Study 4 (n = 247) replicated the effects in participants' own country. The effects were transmitted by attribution of mental states to nonviolent movements and subsequent greater perceived morality (Study 2–4). This research demonstrates that nonviolence can benefit social movements in terms of support and mobilization potential, and that these benefits are rooted in perceptions of mental capacity, humanness, and morality.

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confidence: 99%

The power of nonviolence: Confirming and explaining the success of nonviolent (rather than violent) political movements

Orazani

Leidner

2018

Euro J Social Psych

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“…Adopting these tactics links Black Lives Matter to worldwide historical movements for equality (Milan, 2013) and those politically oppressed (Howard, 2013;Schock, 2013), helping reinforce Black Lives Matter's social identity as a victim group with moral authority (Klar, 2016) seeking acceptance and agency. This also exhibits considerable adherence to the "needs-based" model of Shnabel and Ullrich (2016), in that groups with less social power may identify with a need for restoration, or creation, of agency.…”

Section: Black Lives Mattermentioning

confidence: 99%

Competitive victimhood as a lens to reconciliation: An analysis of the black lives matter and blue lives matter movements

Solomon

Martin

2019

Conflict Resolution Qtrly

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Literature on intergroup conflict and identity is well established; this literature includes work on competitive victimhood—the process by which groups attempt to establish that they have suffered more than opposing groups (Noor et al., Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2012, 16(4), 351–374) to restore feelings of moral identity, or cache often for use in a political context (Sullivan et al., Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2012, 102(4), 778). Within prior work on competitive victimhood, models of reconciliation based on the particular needs and identities established within the competitive victimhood dynamic have also been posited (SimanTov‐Nachlieli et al., European Journal of Social Psychology, 2015, 45(2), 139–145; Shnabel et al., Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 2013, 49(5), 867–877). While competitive victimhood theory has been applied in prior work to several cross‐national settings, there exist other important areas of intergroup tension that have not been explored. We propose that the concept of competitive victimhood can be fruitfully used to understand movement‐countermovement dynamics, including those related to conflictual race relations in the United States. Specifically, this article will examine the dynamic between the movements “Black Lives Matter” and “Blue Lives Matter” as a salient paired research case of a movement and countermovement for investigating identity and victimhood. In our present article, we map the discourse of the Black and Blue Lives Matter movements as illustrations of collective victimhood (Schori‐Eyal et al., Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 2014, 44(12), 778–794) and competitive victimhood (Noor et al., Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2012, 16(4), 351–374). We find that while both movements demonstrate competitive victimhood, they are also qualitatively different. Due to differences in threat, power, and history of those the movements advocate for, each movement demonstrates different needs (Burton, Conflict: Human needs theory, Springer, 1990). We posit that the identity dynamics of competitive victimhood within social movements specifically lead to important and different identity needs for agency and morality (Shnabel & Noor, in Restoring civil societies: The psychology of intervention and engagement following crisis (pp. 192–207), Wiley‐Blackwell, Chichester, England, 2012). We examine what these differences would mean in these particular movements, as well as for potential avenues of community building based on addressing these needs. In all cases, we aim to show that what has largely been considered a criminal justice phenomenon in the United States is fundamentally political, with roots and possible solutions in intergroup identity dynamics that can be fruitfully explored within political psychology.

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“…For a discussion of how the literatures on social movements and civil resistance have traditionally diverged, and suggestions for their convergence, see Schock (2013).…”

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confidence: 99%

Mechanisms of Social Movement Success: Conversation, Displacement and Disruption

Fishman

Everson

2016

Rev. int. sociol.

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A great deal of social movement scholarship tends to assume -and in some cases explicitly argues -that disruption is the primary mechanism through which protest movements win major concessions from the holders of power. Nonetheless, some studies and much empirical evidence provide a strong basis to argue that other paths to social movement success also exist. The importance of discourse and framing has also been highlighted in a number of studies but we argue that the full contribution of talk itself to movement success is best captured through the concept of "conversation" and an examination of the preconditions for its viability. The successful displacement of power-holders by protest movements, although a less common pathway to success than disruption and conversation, also deserves conceptual and empirical attention. In this paper we make this set of distinctions conceptually explicit, differentiating analytically between these three mechanisms of movement success and delineating the conditions required for each mechanism to prove viable and 'useful'. We rely on extensive examples drawn from movements and protest events in the United States, Spain and Portugal, using this empirical material, as well as the existing theoretical literature, as our basis for constructing a conceptual argument on the ideal typical distinction between these three mechanisms and the conditions that allow them to operate. We also take up the questions of whether, and when, movement actors can successfully combine these mechanisms or -alternativelyfind themselves pressed to pursue one or another of these pathways to success in a relatively 'pure' form. KeywordsAnti-austerity Protest; Discourse; Movement Outcome; Non-violent Protest; Protest. resumen Buena parte de la investigación en movimientos sociales tiende a asumir -y en algunos casos argumenta de manera explícita -que la disrupción es el principal mecanismo a través del cual los movimientos de protesta obtienen importantes concesiones por parte de quienes detentan el poder. No obstante, algunos estudios y mucha evidencia empírica proporcionan una base sólida para sostener la existencia de otras vías para el logro de los movimientos sociales. Si bien la importancia del discurso y el enmarcado se ha puesto de manifiesto en una serie de estudios, nosotros sostenemos que el significado completo que la palabra tiene para el éxito de los movimientos se capta mejor a partir del concepto de "conversación" y un examen de sus condiciones de viabilidad. La sustitución o el desplazamiento de la titularidad del poder, a pesar de ser una vía menos frecuente para el logro de los movimientos de protesta, también merece atención conceptual y empírica. En este artículo hacemos conceptualmente explícitas este conjunto de distinciones, diferenciando de manera analítica entre estos tres mecanismos de éxito de un movimiento y delineando las condiciones requeridas por cada uno de ellos para demostrarse viable y "útil". Nos basamos en extensos ejemplos extraídos de movimientos y eventos de pr...

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The practice and study of civil resistance

Cited by 105 publications

References 71 publications

The power of nonviolence: Confirming and explaining the success of nonviolent (rather than violent) political movements

The power of nonviolence: Confirming and explaining the success of nonviolent (rather than violent) political movements

Competitive victimhood as a lens to reconciliation: An analysis of the black lives matter and blue lives matter movements

Mechanisms of Social Movement Success: Conversation, Displacement and Disruption

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