The Syntax of Quantified Phrases and Quantitative Clitics

Cardinaletti, Anna; Giusti, Giuliana

doi:10.1002/9780470996591.ch71

Cited by 81 publications

(63 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…The evidence strongly suggests that universal quantifiers do not select whDPs but can occur as their complement/restrictor as long as they bear the semantic (lexical) list reading feature. This is consistent with the arguments in Giusti (1991) and Cardinaletti and Giusti (2006) regarding the selectional properties of universal quantifiers, and it is consistent with the proposal in Giusti (1990b) that in a German phrase such as was alles (what all) the universal quantifier is base-generated to the right of the interrogative DP. It is also consistent with Chomsky and Lasnik (1993) and Baker (2008), who claim that variation between closely related languages or regional varieties of the same language is due mainly to lexical differences.…”

Section: What All Happens With Universal Quantifiers and Interrogativsupporting

confidence: 90%

“…1 Cardinaletti and Giusti (2006) point out that the word order in (4b) is possible in languages like Portuguese, Romanian and Spanish and conclude that in these languages it is possible for an entire QP to move even after a DP has moved to [SPEC, QP]. Due to space limitations it is not possible to debate this issue here, but a counter-suggestion is simply that in these languages the universal quantifier has adjectival qualities that allow it to appear in normal post-nominal adjectival position.…”

Section: Data and A Possible Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This weakness is perhaps mitigated by independent motivation provided by the fact that a similar phenomenon occurs with pronouns, but, as I will argue shortly, there are reasons not to pursue a unified approach for pronouns and wh-words. A second weakness in the Selector Approach is that it has been well argued in Giusti (1991) and Cardinaletti and Giusti (2006) that universal quantifiers can select only definite or generic DPs. I had mentioned that the data in (10) suggest that at least in German there might be some definiteness or specificity associated with a word like welche because it triggers weak morphology.…”

Section: Weaknesses In the Model And A Possible Alternativementioning

confidence: 99%

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What all happens when a universal quantifier combines with an interrogative DP

Cirillo¹

2011

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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Universal quantifiers such as all select a DP as their complement and can be ‘floated’ or ‘stranded’ by that DP, and in certain Germanic languages they can also co-occur with an interrogative DP. The purpose of this article is to investigate whether interrogative and non-interrogative DPs that co-occur with a universal quantifier in the Germanic languages have the same relationship to that quantifier and have gone through the same selection process. I begin with evidence from German that universal quantifiers can select and be stranded by interrogative as well as non-interrogative DPs, but I ultimately argue, going back to an analysis in Giusti (1990b), that a universal quantifier co-occurring with an interrogative is base-generated to the right of that interrogative, not to its left. I also propose that the formation of interrogative expressions involving universal quantifiers may take place in the syntax or in the lexicon, depending on the language.

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Section: What All Happens With Universal Quantifiers and Interrogativsupporting

confidence: 90%

Section: Data and A Possible Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Weaknesses In the Model And A Possible Alternativementioning

confidence: 99%

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What all happens when a universal quantifier combines with an interrogative DP

Cirillo¹

2011

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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“…Furthermore, since only referential nominals (Chomsky 1981) -i.e. DP (but not NP) -need Case (Kayne 1999) -de cannot be assumed to be a caseassigner in these constructions in either standard or Acadian French (pace Jones 1996, Cardinaletti & Giusti 2006. Rather, Ihsane (2008: 168) argues that, in standard French, its function is to indicate N2 as a property/kind/category, rather than an object, on par with the Indo-European genitive it has replaced.…”

Section: On the Status Of De In Af 'Quite De' Constructionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Quite’ in Acadian French: A variety of Scalar Focus

Alboiu

King

2016

isogloss

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This paper discusses the properties of the quite de construction in the Baie SainteMarie, Nova Scotia variety of Acadian French in examples such as le/un quite de souper 'quite the/a supper' which have a hyperbolic connotation. Unlike epithet nouns and other French binominals (and Romance more generally), we argue that this Acadian French construction contains a complex DP with a unique N with an expanded left nominal periphery (cf. Giusti 2005Giusti , 2006Giusti , 2012. In order to unify its syntactic and semantic properties, we propose an analysis where [ Adv quite] is a scalar Focus head (following Kayne's 1998 treatment of scalar only), with a null M(easurement) Op(erator) (Rett 2008(Rett , 2011 in its specifier. This M-OP is associated with a degree argument (i.e. N) bound by existential closure, which forces its linearization within the predicate domain (cf. Diesing 1992). Lastly, we show that de in the AF 'quite de' construction cannot be construed as a linker (pace den Dikken 2004Dikken , 2006 or as a P category (pace Kayne 1994), but it is best analysed as a nominal functor (cf. Ihsane 2013) at the Comp-Infl interface whose role is to recategorize a referential DP into a property denoting DP.

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“…38 38 In all languages discussed above superlative xAPs license the partitive construction: (i)lesmeilleuresdesétudiantesFrenchthebest‐ f.pl of+thestudents. f ‘the best of the students’

(ii)samajatalantlivajaizmoixstudentokRussian most‐lf‐f.sg talented ‐lf‐f.sg frommystudents‘the most talented of my students’

The question whether partitives contain a null noun before the preposition remains open (for arguments in favor of this position in at least some partitives see Jackendoff 1977; Cardinaletti & Giusti 1992, 2005; Barker 1998; Zamparelli 1998; Ionin et al, to appear; etc. ; for arguments against it see Mallén 1992, Kupferman 1999, Martí Girbau 2005, among others).…”

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confidence: 99%

On the Attributive Nature of Superlatives

Matushansky¹

2008

Syntax

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Abstract. The standard view of superlatives treats them as a subkind of adjectives. However, in many languages, superlatives require the presence of a determiner, even in the predicate position. This leads to an apparent contradiction, since it is independently known that determiners syntactically combine with extended NP projections and are excluded with APs. This issue is resolved if superlative adjectives always appear in an attributive (modificational) position. Superlative phrases without an overt noun (e.g., in the predicative position) modify a null head noun. I show that this hypothesis immediately explains the restrictions on the distribution of superlatives in languages as diverse as Russian, French, German, Dutch, Breton, Spanish and Portuguese. I propose that the modificational nature of superlative adjectives can be derived from their semantics, and I argue that such a proposal yields a natural explanation of the behavior of superlatives in Hebrew and Persian. Finally, I discuss the interaction between this theory and the standard, movement-based analyses of comparatives and superlatives and provide an explanation for apparent counterexamples.

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The Syntax of Quantified Phrases and Quantitative Clitics

Cited by 81 publications

References 11 publications

What all happens when a universal quantifier combines with an interrogative DP

What all happens when a universal quantifier combines with an interrogative DP

‘Quite’ in Acadian French: A variety of Scalar Focus

On the Attributive Nature of Superlatives

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